By Edgardo Ayala
SAN MIGUEL, El Salvador, Mar 20 2024 – Faced with the recurring problem of environmental pollution caused by the poultry industry in rural communities in El Salvador, some companies are responding by producing biogas from organic waste from their chicken farms and processing plants, and using the gas to generate clean electricity.

The Grupo Campestre consortium invested seven million dollars to set up a biogas plant in the El Brazo canton of the municipality of San Miguel in eastern El Salvador, and eliminated environmental pollution caused by organic waste from its four farms, which produce eight and a half million chickens per year.

The plant, in operation since 2021, also receives biodegradable waste from the various businesses that comprise the Grupo Campestre, such as the company that slaughters poultry for sale in supermarkets, the dairy company and a chain of 60 fried chicken restaurants.

The biogas is used to generate electricity that the consortium sells to an electricity distribution company, which injects it into the national power grid.

The project has also put an end to the conflict between the poultry group’s facilities and the rural communities in the surrounding area, which until the generation of biogas had to put up with the foul odors of chicken waste and other environmental problems.

The biogas plant processes some 40,000 tons per year of waste with energy potential, which is fed into two huge biodigesters where bacteria decompose the waste and generate, among other gases, methane, the main fuel that drives a generator with 850 kilowatts of installed power.

The biodigesters produce around 10,000 cubic meters of biogas per day, generating 17 megawatt hours a day.

With two huge biodigesters, which annually process around 40,000 tons of organic waste from four poultry farms, the Grupo Campestre produces biogas that generates electricity fed into El Salvador’s national grid.

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Mar 20 2024 – Justice Zafar Yab Chadhar’s March 6 order sentencing 22-year-old Junaid Munir to ‘be hanged by his neck till he is dead’ on charges of sharing blasphemous material over WhatsApp was devastating for his family.

“The earth moved from underneath my feet,” is how 57-year-old Chaudhry Munir Hussain, Munir’s father, described his feelings as he heard the judge read out the judgment that day in a court in Gujranwala, a city in Punjab province.

“My daughter [who had accompanied Hussain to the court] collapsed and fell down on the floor there and then,” said Hussain, adding, “She was unable to sit for her civil services examination,” that was taking place around the time. He was talking from Tokyo, where he is staying. He has lived between Pakistan and Japan for the past 30 years, running an “import-export car business in Japan.” But this time he had fled Pakistan, believing his life was under threat.

Blasphemy is an offense with an unwaivable death penalty but is notoriously known to be used to carry out personal vendettas.

To date, no one has been executed, yet scores continue to be convicted and then languish in jail. Data provided by the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) shows there are 587 prisoners in various jails across Punjab. Among these, 515 are under trial, including 508 male, six female, and one juvenile prisoner, all confined under blasphemy.

The momentum has gained. In 2023 alone, said CSJ, at least 329 people were accused of blasphemy. Of these, 247 (75%) were Muslims, 65 Ahmadis (the Pakistani constitution has declared them non-Muslims), 11 Christians, and one Hindu. The religious affiliation of the remaining five remains unknown. Punjab was the most affected province, where 179 were accused.

At least 2,449 people had been accused of blasphemy between 1987 and 2023. The highest number of accused were 1,279 Muslims, followed by 782 Ahmadis. The highest number of cases (1770) were reported in Punjab (72%), according to the CSJ.

The signed and stamped ‘warrant’ on Munir, sent to the superintendent in Gujranwala’s Central Prison by the judge, quoted here verbatim, states videos and photographs showed “writing most sacred name of the Holy Prophet Hazrat Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him) and the kalma [declaration to Islam] on sex part of human bodies with intention to defile the Holy name of the Holy Prophet (PBUH)”.

It added that it was done intentionally and deliberately with the intent to “outrage the religious feeling of Muslims”.

Outside Justice Zafar Yab Chadhar’s courtroom. Credit: Ehtisham Shami/IPS

The accusation perplexes Hussain.

“We are devout Muslims belonging to the Barelvi Sunni sect. There are verses etched at the entrance of my house, paying homage to Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). For over 40 years, my family has been serving the neighborhood mosque and sweeping its floors, which we consider an honorable duty. We illuminate the entire lane every year to celebrate the Prophet’s birth. Do you think we would ever defame him?” Hussain tried to reason. He said his son has been falsely accused and framed on this serious charge. “I brook no enmity with anyone,” adding cautiously, “There are people who want to get hold of our property for a very long time.”

According to the community living in his village, Hussain belonged to a humble background, but his business picked up and he did extremely well, which may have caused jealousies.

“Still, I went to those who had accused my son, fell on their feet and apologized to them on behalf of my son if he had hurt their sentiments,” said Hussain. “I even got fatwas [ruling on a point of Islamic law] from different religious seminaries that said a person can be forgiven.”

“Wherever there is even a slight bit of doubt, confusion, or the case is not clear-cut, one should find a middle ground,” according to Hafiz Muhammad Tahir Mehmood Ashrafi, chairman of the Pakistan Ulema Council (PUC), talking over the phone from Islamabad. Over the years, the council has intervened in 103 out of 114 cases that have come to its attention, and the accused has been saved from the wrath of people.

Ashrafi had also been part of another high-profile case where Junaid Jamshed, a pop singer turned popular religious scholar, was accused of blasphemy but later acquitted.

Having seen the material sent allegedly by Munir, which he found “extremely obscene,” and being privy to the investigation, Ashrafi said, “The FIA [Federal Investigation Agency] had investigated this thoroughly and I don’t think anyone is framing the boy.”

“I would think the FIA should have the technical capacity and the resources to discern, decipher, and verify people who impersonate other people’s pages and carry out blasphemy, or deepfake and AI-generated content,” said Nighat Dad, heading the Digital Rights Foundation, adding her organization’s experience with the FIA’s cybercrime wing had shown they are adept at handling cyber harassment.

Munir, a first-year law student, was arrested on June 15, 2022, from Lahore by the FIA’s cybercrime wing, under anti-blasphemy laws in the Pakistan Penal Code, 1980. His case was later shifted to Gujranwala at the direction of the Lahore High Court, with explicit orders that the trial be completed within two months. But it took the court two years to convict him.

“The last two years have been like a thousand years for me,” said Hussain. “Our lives have been ruined by these cruel people.”

Munir has also been charged under cybercrime legislation, the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA), 2016, termed a draconian law by human rights defenders.

Farieha Aziz, a cybercrime expert and co-founder of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights, said: “Various sections of PECA 2016 criminalize speech in an excessive and overly broad manner and have been used routinely against journalists, academics, and political workers from time to time.” PECA, she said, has anti-speech, anti-privacy, and anti-Internet provisions.

“It is not uncommon for people to be booked for alleged blasphemy online,” said Aziz. We have seen how malicious online campaigns have been run against activists in the past, labelling them as blasphemers or pushing for them to be booked under the blasphemy law where no such offense has been committed but this is used to silence them by putting a target on a person’s back, which has offline consequences and endangers their life.”

Lawyer Mohammad Jibran Nasir and Dr Arfana Mallah, associate professors at the University of Sindh, in Jamshoro, have had their share of close calls for speaking in support of alleged blasphemers.

But the bigger concern, said Aziz, was that “accounts are hacked or impersonation accounts put out material” that is not by the accused. And even before that is established, the latter is booked.

“Expanding the use of blasphemy cases against people for what they say or share on social media is an invitation for witch hunts,” stated Patricia Gossman, Associate Asia Director at Human Rights Watch, in a dispatch. “The Pakistani government should amend and ultimately repeal its blasphemy laws, not further extend their scope online,” said the statement.

Dad admitted: “Technology can be extremely harmful, especially where the law enforcing agencies are not so well equipped.”

But this is not the first time.

In 2014, a Christian couple was sentenced to death for sending a blasphemous text message in English to their local cleric. The couple denied it, saying they were illiterate and did not know the language. In 2016, a Christian named Nadeem James was sentenced to death for sending a poem to a Muslim friend that insulted Islam and 30-year-old Taimoor Raza was sentenced to death after getting into a sectarian debate about Islam on Facebook with a man who was a counter-terrorism official.

Then there is the case of Junaid Hafeez, a lecturer at the Bahahuddin Zakariya University in Multan, a city in Punjab, who has been imprisoned since 2001 after being accused of uploading blasphemous material over Facebook by a student. His lawyer, Rashid Rehman, was murdered in 2014.

More recently, Aneeqa Atiq, 26, was sentenced to death by a court in Rawalpindi in 2022 for allegedly sharing blasphemous material via WhatsApp.

When not imprisoned, those who have been marked are often killed by the people. In 2017, Mashal Khan, a student at Abdul Wali Khan University in Mardan, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, was beaten to death by students accusing him of posting blasphemous material over social media. An investigation later proved he was innocent. Last year, seven people were killed extrajudicially. From 1994 to 2023, 95 people have been lynched.

“We’ve also seen campaigns targeting activists fighting for any change in the blasphemy law and know how lethal these can be, leading to the loss of lives, as we saw with Salman Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti for proposing amendments and reforms to the country’s blasphemy laws,” said Aziz.

So far, only one person has ever been punished: Mumtaz Qadri, the bodyguard of Governor Salman Taseer for killing his employer. Qadri was hanged for killing the governor in 2016.

Earlier this month, in a brave attempt, a young policewoman, Shehrbano Naqvi, averted mob lynching of a woman wearing clothes that had Arabic calligraphy written on them, which people thought were verses from the Quran. Following the incident, the CSJ issued a statement calling for action to address “the flaws in the existing laws and looming religious intolerance.”

“My son is suffering from a very rare sickness called immune thrombocytopenic purpura (ITP), an autoimmune disorder,” implored the worried father. “He is just skin and bones under the khaki-colored jail uniform. It breaks my heart to see my child, who keeps insisting he is innocent,” said Hussain in a heavy voice. He said he is going to appeal his son’s sentence in the Lahore High Court this week.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Romeo Jara
QUEZON CITY, Philippines, Mar 20 2024 – Throughout history, Indigenous Women have made remarkable contributions to forwarding the aspirations of their communities for self-determination. Amid the compounded burdens they face as Indigenous Peoples, as women and an oppressed class, let us recognize and celebrate the bravery of Indigenous Women as they strive and inspire with their courage, heritage, leadership and knowledge.

The reality of oppression and exploitation based on gender and their Indigenous identity has been a continuing plight. And on a global scale, the wars of aggression and genocide, land dispossession and resource exploitation being carried out trample underfoot, kill and discriminate women, including Indigenous Women.

In Ogoniland, Nigeria, women and their families are being violently driven out of their land by armed groups backed by big oil companies that seek to extract oil. Just last March 4, heavily armed gunmen shot a farmworker in the area, while six others, including his wife and other community members were impacted.

Against illegal mining, against violence, and for land recognition, quality health care, education, and livelihood, eight thousand Indigenous Women in Brazil marched to assert their political power and create their space in public policies.

In the Philippines, indigenous women have been campaigning to stop the Marcos government’s attempts to change the Philippine constitution to make way for 100% foreign ownership of land and other neoliberal economic policies.

If pushed through, this will make the already vulnerable ancestral lands in the Philippines more open to corporate plunder.

In Northeast India, Adivasi women have been pushing back against the violent counterinsurgency campaign of the State. Since last year the Meira Paibi, a women-led movement in Manipur has been leading the charge against heavy militarization in their communities.

On top of judicial harassment and political persecution, military operations have been ceaseless in targeting Adivasi women and their communities. Nonetheless the struggle for peace in Manipur has persisted.

We live in critical times when everyday we see stories of how Palestinian women have been non-stop at shedding blood struggling for self-determination against Zionist Israeli forces. Even in situations where mothers and their families are only accessing food, Zionist forces have no qualms with dropping bombs and carrying out airstrikes against starving families.

Our Indigenous sisters, mothers, and grandmothers raise their voices, standing side by side with other marginalized and oppressed sectors, crossing multi-cultural barriers, and expressing their indignation against injustice.

The solidarity among women and oppressed peoples is a cause for celebration, and an important reminder of our capacity to fight.

To stand and fight with Indigenous Women means recognizing and respecting their rights, amplifying their voices, and addressing imperialist oppression that systematically suppresses their cultures and autonomy, and perpetuates structural violence and discrimination.

When power is used to sow fear among women, those are the times when power fears women!

Romeo Jara is the Communications Officer, International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL), a global network of Indigenous Peoples rights activists.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
NEEMRANA, Rajasthan, India, Mar 20 2024 – Developing countries wanting to pursue industrial policy were severely reprimanded by advocates of the ‘neoliberal’ Washington Consensus. Now, it is being deployed as a weapon in the new Cold War.

Industrial policy vs colonialism
Industrial policy is often seen as pioneered by Friedrich List. But List was inspired by George Washington’s first Treasury Secretary, Alexander Hamilton. He advocated promoting manufacturing as the Industrial Revolution was beginning in England.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

For List, post-colonial national development required tariffs. Despite a title deceptively similar to his earlier Principles of the Natural Economy, List’s Principles of the National Economy was quite different, clearly inspired by Hamilton.

The Meiji Restoration started in 1868, after a quarter millennium of Tokugawa shogunate military rule. Meiji emperor rule was no mere palace coup but involved industrial policy to catch up with the already industrialising West.

Meanwhile, public intellectuals like Dadabhai Naoroji and Sayyid Jamaluddin al-Afghani rejected Western imperialism. They criticised how parts of the global South were being transformed – and ruined – by Western imperialism.

Half a century later, Harvard’s Josef Schumpeter rejected the idea that capitalism had become imperialistic. The Austrian economist insisted imperialism was a pre-capitalist atavism that capitalism’s ascendance would wipe out.

Weaponising industrial policy
Today’s geopolitics has seen a renewed Western interest in industrial policy as a weapon in the new Cold War. US President Joe Biden’s National Security Adviser, Jake Sullivan, is widely credited with articulating its use as an economic weapon.

This contrasts significantly with longstanding interest in industrial policy in the global South over several decades. For many, industrial policy has long been associated with post-colonial development efforts.

Meanwhile, strong stagnation tendencies in the West after the 2008 global financial crisis underscored the failure of purported neoliberalism. Advocacy of transformative, including green industrial policies by Mariana Mazzucato and others in Europe, was well received by desperate governments keen to resume growth.

Developmental, industrial policy
However, in developing countries, there has long been interest in developmental industrial policy. Neoliberal economists and the many influential financial institutions they control have long frowned upon this.

Alfred Marshall, Petrus Johannes Verdoorn, Nicholas Kaldor and others urged Europe to industrialise. Selective industrial policy has been even more controversial, with the government favouring some manufacturing activities over others, e.g., due to increasing returns to scale.

Typically facing resource, including fiscal constraints, developing countries have had little choice but to be selective. However, with such powers associated with governments, there was understandable concern about the potential for abuse, arbitrariness and error.

Instead, the market was supposed to decide in the best interests of society without recognising its own inherent biases and ‘failures’, especially in highly unequal post-colonial societies. Neoliberal economists were quick to caricature industrial policy with dismissive metaphors (e.g., picking winners) rather than rigorous analysis.

Asian miracles?
The East Asian Miracle was simplistically caricatured due to the abandonment of import-substituting industrialisation in favour of export-orientation. A more nuanced alternative narrative of ‘effective protection conditional on export promotion’ in Northeast Asia was thus ignored.

Industrial policy is much more than trade policy, involving a range of policy instruments. Recognising the variegated aspects, dimensions and tools of industrial policy is essential. Besides investment, finance, and technology, human resource development is also significant.

For instance, the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) were an important initiative to support its industry. However, with India’s gradual neglect of industrial policy, IITs have probably contributed more to the development of US hi-tech.

Evaluating industrial policy
For years, economists working on India have criticised industrial policy, usually referring to the Nehruvian experience. But rushing to such a conclusion solely referencing that experience requires cherry-picking evidence.

India’s pharmaceutical policy has been crucial to the health and well-being of its population. Affordable, often generic medicines in India have been central to its improved public health outcomes. However, unlike Western pharmaceutical transnational corporations, Indian companies have not been accused of price-gouging.

Bangladesh has since utilised its special dispensation as a least developed country (LDC) to export affordable generic medicines to many other poor countries. However, the West blocked the Indian-South African initiative to suspend patent royalties to address the COVID-19 pandemic for its duration.

Effectively, the West was reneging on its 2001 agreement to the Public Health Exception to Trade-Related Industrial Property Rights (TRIPS). This compromise was needed to restart WTO processes after the African walkout from the 1999 Seattle World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial meeting.

If not for India and Bangladesh, the costs of medicines would have been much higher, and there would be more ill health in the world today. Defining industrial policy success solely in terms of the financial profitability of investments ignores such gains.

It is, therefore, crucial to build coalitions to create the conditions for sustained and appropriate but adaptive industrial policies. These are needed to accelerate growth and structural transformation to achieve sustainable development in the face of stagnation and regression in much of the world, especially the global South.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Orlando Milesi
SANTIAGO , Mar 20 2024 – In Chile, as in the rest of Latin America, the task of caring for people with disabilities, the elderly and children falls to women who, as a result, do not have access to paid jobs or time for themselves.

Unpaid domestic and care work is crucial to the economies of the region, accounting for around 20 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Measurements by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) found that in 16 Latin American countries, women spend between 22.1 and 42.8 hours per week on unpaid domestic and care work. Men only spend between 6.7 and 19.8 hours.

Ana Güezmes, director of ECLAC’s Division for Gender Affairs, told IPS that “in most countries women work longer total hours, but with a lower proportion of paid hours.”

“This work, which is fundamental for sustaining life and social well-being, is disproportionately assigned to women. This situation impacts women’s autonomy, economic opportunities, labor and political participation and their access to leisure activities and rest,” Güezmes said at ECLAC headquarters in Santiago.

The situation is far from changing as it is replicated in young women who devote up to 20 percent of their time to unpaid work.

Paloma Olivares, president for Santiago of the women’s organization Yo Cuido, works in her office in the working-class municipality of Estación Central, in the northeast of the Chilean capital. CREDIT: Orlando Milesi / IPS

Women left on their own as caregivers

Paloma Olivares, 43, chairs the Yo Cuido Association in Santiago, Chile, which brings together 120 members, only two of them men.”Women caregivers are denied the right to participate on equal terms in society because we are forced to choose between exercising our rights or doing caregiving work. And we cannot choose because it is a job we do for a loved one, for a family member.” — Paloma Olivares

“Women caregivers are denied the right to participate on equal terms in society because we are forced to choose between exercising our rights or doing caregiving work. And we cannot choose because it is a job we do for a loved one, for a family member,” she told IPS.

“We are left in a position of inequality, of absolute vulnerability because you have to devote your life to supporting someone else at the expense of your personal life,” she said.

Olivares stopped working to care for Pascale, her granddaughter, who was born with cerebral palsy and hydrocephalus.

Three days after her birth, a bacterium became lodged in her central nervous system. She was hospitalized for almost a year and became severely dependent.

At the time, she was given a seven percent chance of survival. Today she is eight years old, goes to school and lives an almost normal life thanks to the work of her caregivers.

She is now cared for by her mother Valentina, who had her at the age of 15. Paloma was able to return to paid work, but her daughter abandoned her studies to take care of Pascale.

“When you start being a caregiver, friendships end, because no one can keep up. Even the family drifts away. That’s why most caregiving families are single-parent, the woman is left alone to care because the man can’t keep up with the pace and the emotional and economic burden,” she said.

Olivares participated from Mar. 12 to 14 in a public hearing, digital and in person, on the right to care and its interrelation with other rights, in a collective request of several social organizations and the governments of Chile and other Latin American countries before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR Court), based in San Jose, Costa Rica,

In the request for an opinion from the IACHR Court, “we asked the Court to take a stance on the right to care and how the rights of women in particular have been violated because there are no public policies in this regard. We want the Court to pronounce itself on the right to care and how the States should address it so that this right is guaranteed and so the rights of caregivers are no longer violated,” she explained.

It is expected that the Court’s pronouncement on the matter will come out in April and could establish minimum parameters regarding women caregivers for Chile and other Latin American countries.

Critical situation for women caregivers

Millaray Sáez, 59, told IPS by telephone from the southern Chilean city of Concepción that her son Mario Ignacio, 33, “is no longer the autonomous person he was. Since 2012 he has become a baby.”

She chairs the AML Bío Bío Corporación, an association of women in the Bío Bío region created in 2017 to address the question of female empowerment and today dedicated to the issue of caregivers.

“I have been a caregiver for 30 years for my son who has refractory epilepsy. He became prostrate in 2012 as a result of medical negligence,” said the international trade engineer who has become an expert in public policies on care with a gender perspective.

Sáez said “the situation of women caregivers is very bad, very precarious. There is a single cause, which is the work of caregiving, but the consequences are multidimensional…. from physical deterioration to the lack of legislation to protect against forms of violence, and ranging from the family to what society or the State adds.”

She also pointed to the economic consequences of dependent care.

She cited cases in which caregivers spend over 150 dollars a month on diapers alone for a person who needs them. And she pointed out that the government provides an economic aid stipend of just 33 dollars a month.

Teresa Valdés, head of the Gender and Equity Observatory of the Catholic University of Chile, praises the new registry of caregivers promoted by the Chilean government, but underlines the importance of municipal experiences and initiatives that promote homes and care centers to facilitate the lives of women caregivers. CREDIT: Orlando Milesi / IPS

The magnitude of the problem

It is a pending task to determine the number of women caregivers in Chile.

The government of leftist President Gabriel Boric created a system for caregivers to register and receive a credential that gives them access to public services.

“The credential is the gateway to the Chile Cuida System. With it we seek to make them visible in services and institutions and to reward them for their work by saving them waiting time in daily procedures,” the Minister of Women and Gender Equity, Antonia Orellana, explained to IPS.

So far, there are 85,817 people registered, of whom 74,650 are women, or 87 percent of the total, and 11,167 are men, according to data provided to IPS on Mar. 14 by the Undersecretariat of Social Services of the Ministry of Social Development and Family.

But Chile has 19.5 million inhabitants, and “17.6 percent of the adult population has some degree of disability and, therefore, requires the daily care and support of other people in the home,” the minister said.

That means 3.4 million Chileans depend on a caregiver.

According to Orellana, facing the care scenario projected by the aging of the population will require the collaboration of everyone to “create and sustain an economic and productive system that generates decent work and formal employment, leaving no one behind.”

Other urgent demands by women

Sociologist Teresa Valdés, head of the Gender and Equity Observatory, told IPS that there are many social problems facing Chilean women today, “especially those related to access to health care, social security, unequal pay and access to different goods and services.”

Valdés regretted that the term “women caregivers” is used to refer to the role that women play and the tasks that are culturally assigned to them as a priority.

“We are all caregivers, all women work double shifts. The time-use survey shows that we work an additional 41 hours per week of so-called unpaid reproductive care work,” she said.

According to Valdés, the main advance in this problem is to include it in the debate because these are policies that require a lot of resources and extensive development, since they have to do with the structure of the labor market.

“Part of the proposal should be how to ‘de-genderize’, how care becomes a task of shared responsibility and not only that women have more time to take on the care tasks,” she said.

“When we call women caregivers, we are referring to the group most affected by the conditions of sexual division of labor and family reproduction,” she added.

The expert proposes progressively identifying ways to support women caregivers in order to provide them with available time and take care of their mental health.

She praised the programs promoted by some municipalities to free up time for these women to enjoy leisure and self-care.

“We have to move towards a cultural conception that we are all dependent. Today I depend on you, tomorrow you depend on me. Care is a social task in which I take care of you today so that you can take care of me tomorrow. And that is something that has to start from the earliest childhood,” she argued.

By Thokozani Dlamini
PRETORIA, South Africa, Mar 20 2024 – Like surface waters, groundwater resources frequently cross international boundaries, potentially igniting disputes among nations that rely on this essential resource. Disagreements over shared groundwater can arise from various issues, such as inequitable resource distribution, competing water needs and economic dependencies, governance challenges, and the varying effects of climate change on water availability.

Effectively managed transboundary aquifers have the potential to nurture goodwill and collective action among nations, whereas mismanagement could lead to conflicts and negatively affect the sustainable utilization of these water reserves.

Effectively managed transboundary aquifers have the potential to nurture goodwill and collective action among nations, whereas mismanagement could lead to conflicts and negatively affect the sustainable utilization of these water reserves

Therefore, it is crucial to have robust governance strategies in place for fair and sustainable resource distribution. Open and transparent communication among nations, coupled with cooperative initiatives such as mutual monitoring and knowledge exchange, is essential to alleviate tensions and ensure the responsible use of groundwater.

By embracing such collaborative measures, states can move towards a more peaceful and cooperative management of shared groundwater resources.

In the Southern African region, groundwater is a lifeline for most of the population. Estimates suggest that over 70% of roughly 350 million inhabitants depend on it as their primary water source.

UNESCO’s data reveal a stark reliance on groundwater, with 60% of the rural populace and 40% of their urban counterparts turning to subterranean supplies for daily water needs.

These figures not only illuminate the fundamental role of groundwater in sustaining livelihoods but also underscore the need for its judicious management, especially when it comes to shared resources across borders.

The high dependency on groundwater for such a large population mandates a collaborative and sustainable management approach to prevent disputes and ensure water security for both present and future generations in Southern Africa.

Indeed, fostering peace among nations sharing groundwater resources calls for proactive and Integrated strategies. Key among these is the creation of robust governance mechanisms designed to manage these resources fairly and sustainably.

Transparent, fair policies and agreements tailored to the equitable sharing of groundwater can mitigate potential conflicts. Additionally, maintaining open and participatory communication channels between member states is instrumental in addressing issues and negotiating solutions that benefit all parties involved.

This dialogue should aim to build a consensus and trust, which is vital for cooperation and long-term peace. Implementing such measures can promote a collaborative environment where shared groundwater resources are a bond rather than a barrier between states.

The Southern African Development Community has taken proactive steps to address the challenges associated with the transboundary nature of groundwater resources.

The SADC Protocol on Shared Watercourses is a key instrument designed to foster cooperation and sustainable management of shared watercourses, including surface water and groundwater. The protocol’s objectives are to promote the equitable and reasonable utilization of water resources, the sustainable development of those resources, and coordinated water resources management, including the protection of the environment.

Furthermore, establishing the SADC Groundwater Management Institute by Member States as a Centre of Excellence for sustainable groundwater management signifies a strong regional commitment to addressing groundwater issues.

The institute aims to enhance the capacity of Member States in the sustainable development and management of groundwater resources, to reduce the vulnerability of SADC Member States to impacts of climate variability, and to improve groundwater governance in the region.

This is achieved through promoting information sharing, providing training and research opportunities, and supporting the implementation of groundwater management policies and strategies across the SADC region. These efforts reduce potential conflicts and enhance peace among Member States by ensuring that groundwater resources are managed effectively and equitably.

In the SADC region, there are approximately 30 Transboundary Aquifers. The Eastern Kalahari Basin Transboundary Aquifer stretches across Botswana and Zimbabwe and is a prime example of transboundary aquifer collaboration.

To effectively govern this essential shared resource, these countries have established cooperative frameworks and crafted pivotal agreements.

Pioneering these efforts is the ‘Joint Aquifer Management Strategy, ‘ an initiative headed by the SADC Groundwater Management Institute. This strategic framework is dedicated to fostering sustainable practices in groundwater management, ensuring equitable access, and underpinning cooperation between bordering nations.

It provides comprehensive guidelines for systematic groundwater monitoring, equitable resource allocation, and robust conflict resolution mechanisms, setting a precedent for transboundary water cooperation.

The SADC Groundwater Management Institute marked another significant achievement in advancing cooperation among nations sharing transboundary aquifers with the initiation of the Conjunctive Transboundary Water Resource Management Project in the Shire River Basin, a vital watercourse traversing Malawi and Mozambique.

This groundbreaking project yielded two pivotal documents: the Transboundary Diagnostic Analysis Report and the Joint Action Plan. These frameworks are instrumental in charting a course for both countries towards the sustainable stewardship of the Transboundary Aquifer.

Transboundary aquifers epitomize vital water reserves and are a peace and international cooperation conduit. Through joint stewardship and equitable utilization of these groundwater resources, nations chart a course towards stability and shared affluence.

As we observe World Water Day, we celebrate these subterranean reserves that stitch together the fabric of nations, underscoring their pivotal role in fostering harmony, resilience, and sustainable progression across boundaries.

In honouring our interconnected water heritage, let us renew our dedication to a future where water serves as a bridge to concord and flourishing for all individuals. United in our efforts, we can elevate transboundary aquifers to beacons of hope and symbols in our collective journey towards a secure, water-sustained world.

Thokozani Dlamini is SADC-GMI Communication and Knowledge Management Specialist