By Alison Davidian
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 14 2024 – I’ve just come back from the north of Afghanistan. I asked the women I met what they want the world to know about their lives.

One woman, Nasima told me: “I was married at 16. I couldn’t finish school. My hope was that my daughter’s life would be better. Now I’m worried her life is going to be worse. To those who are still listening to our voices, please help us fight for our freedom.”

This week marks three years since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.

Three years’ worth of countless decrees, directives, and statements targeting women and girls – stripping them of their fundamental rights. Eviscerating their autonomy.

A 31-year-old woman sits by the window. She used to be an entrepreneur before the Taliban takeover. Credit: UN Women/Sayed Habib Bidell

Our latest publication, launched today, shows trends based on rounds of consultations we’ve done with thousands of Afghan women, from the provincial capitals to the most rural areas since August 2021.

One of the first, most striking, trends is the erasure of Afghan women from public life.

To date, no woman in Afghanistan is in a leadership position anywhere that has influence politically, at the national or provincial level. When Afghan women are engaged in the Taliban’s structures, their roles are largely about monitoring compliance of other women with their discriminatory decrees.

This political erasure is mirrored at the social level. Our data shows that when you take away basic rights, it impacts every area of life. Of the women we surveyed, 98 per cent felt they had limited or zero influence on decision-making in their communities.

It is also reflected in the home. Our data shows that the percentage of women who feel they can influence decision-making at the household level has dropped by nearly 60 per cent over the last year. To give some context, three years ago an Afghan women could technically decide to run for President. Now, she may not even be able to decide when to go and buy groceries.

It wasn’t perfect three years ago. But it wasn’t this.

Linked to the loss of rights, our data points to an escalating mental health crisis. Sixty-eight per cent of the women we consulted report “bad” or “very bad” mental health. And 8 per cent indicated knowing at least one women or girl who had attempted suicide.

What is also clear three years in, is that the Taliban’s restrictions on the rights of women and girls will affect generations to come.

Our analysis shows that by 2026, the impact of leaving 1.1 million girls out of school and over 100,000 women out of university is correlated with an increase in the rate of early childbearing by 45 per cent; and an increased risk of maternal mortality by at least 50 per cent.

In the face of this deepening women’s rights crisis, I am often asked: what can we do to support Afghan women and girls?

My answer is always this one key thing.

We must continue to invest in women. Nothing undermines the Taliban’s vision for society more than empowering the very part of the population they seek to oppress.

Practically, based on UN Women’s work over the past three years, investing in women translates into three main strategies:

1. Allocate flexible and long-term funding to grassroots women’s organizations. This is one of the most effective ways to reach women and girls, respond to their needs, and invest in one of the few sectors where women can still influence decision-making. It’s hard, but it’s possible.

2. Design programmes dedicated to countering the erasure of women and girls, investing directly in their resilience, empowerment, and leadership. Initiatives particularly for education, livelihoods, and entrepreneurship are crucial ways to meaningfully address structural drivers of gender inequality.

3. Finally, it is essential to facilitate spaces where Afghan women can express their concerns and priorities directly. Our data shows that Afghan women want to represent themselves. But one meeting and one participation option will not do. Across any engagement, we need to ask: How can we consult and include Afghan women? What can we do differently to break the pattern of women’s exclusion?

Three years ago, the whole world was watching a takeover that was livestreaming horror after horror.

Three years later, while the world’s attention may have turned elsewhere, the horrors have not stopped for Afghan women and girls, nor has their conviction to stand against the oppression.

When it comes to the fight for women’s rights, we are at an inflection point in Afghanistan, but also globally. The world is watching what happens to women and girls in Afghanistan. In some places, it watches to condemn; in others, it watches to emulate the Taliban’s structural oppression.

We cannot leave Afghan women to fight alone. If we do, we have no moral ground to fight for women’s rights anywhere.

Their fate determines the fate of women everywhere.

What we do – or fail to do – for Nasima, her daughter, and all Afghan women and girls, is the ultimate test of who we are as a global community and what we stand for.

Alison Davidian, UN Women Country Representative in Afghanistan, spoke at the noon press briefing at the UN Headquarters on August 13 about the state of women and girls three years since the Taliban takeover.

IPS UN Bureau

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Aug 14 2024 – When history repeats itself, the first time is a tragedy; the next is a farce. If we fail to learn from past financial crises, we risk making avoidable errors, often with irreversible, even tragic consequences.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Between rock and hard place
Many people worldwide suffered greatly during the 2008-2009 global financial crisis (GFC) and the Great Recession. However, the experiences of most developing nations were significantly different from those of the global North.

Developing nations’ varied responses reflected their circumstances, the constraints of their policymakers, and their understanding of events and options.

Hence, the global South reacted very differently. With more limited means, most developing countries responded quite dissimilarly to rich nations.

Hard hit by the GFC and the ensuing Great Recession, developing countries’ financial positions have been further weakened by tepid growth since. Worse, their foreign reserves and fiscal balances declined as sovereign debt rose.

Most emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) mainly save US dollars. The few countries with large trade surpluses have long bought US Treasury bonds. This finances US fiscal, trade, and current account deficits, including for war.

Vagaries of finance
After the GFC, international investors – including pension funds, mutual funds, and hedge funds – initially continued to be risk-averse in their exposure to EMDEs.

Thus, the GFC hit growth worldwide through various channels at different times. As EMDE earnings and prospects fell, investor interest declined.

But with more profits to be made from cheap finance, thanks to ‘quantitative easing’, funds flowed to the Global South. As the US Fed raised interest rates in early 2022, funds fled developing nations, especially the poorest.

Long propped up by easy credit, real estate and stock markets collapsed. With finance becoming more powerful and consequential, the real economy suffered.

As growth slowed, developing countries’ export earnings fell as funds flowed out. Thus, instead of helping counter-cyclically, capital flowed out when most needed.

The consequences of such reversals have varied considerably. Sadly, many who should have known better chose to remain blind to such dangers.

After globalisation peaked around the turn of the century, most wealthy nations reversed earlier trade liberalisation, invoking the GFC as the pretext. Thus, growth slowed with the GFC, i.e., well before the COVID-19 pandemic.

Markets collapse
Previously supported by the Great Moderation’s easy money, stock markets in EMDEs plunged in the GFC. The turmoil arguably hurt EMDEs much more than rich nations.

Most rich and many middle-income households in EMDEs own equities, while many pension funds have increasingly invested in financial markets in recent decades.

Financial turmoil directly impacts many incomes, assets and the real economy. Worse, banks stop lending when their credit is most needed.

This forces firms to cut investment spending and instead use their savings and earnings to cover operating costs, often causing them to lay off workers.

As stock markets plummet, solvency is adversely impacted as firms and banks become overleveraged, precipitating other problems.

Falling stock prices trigger downward spirals, slowing the economy, increasing unemployment, and worsening real wages and working conditions.

As government revenues decline, they borrow more to make up the shortfall.

Various economies cope differently with such impacts as government responses vary.

Much depends on how governments respond with countercyclical and social protection policies. However, earlier deregulation and reduced means have typically eroded their capacities and capabilities.

Policy matters
Official policy response measures to the GFC endorsed by the US and IMF included those they had criticised East Asian governments for pursuing during their 1997-1998 financial crises.

Such efforts included requiring banks to lend at low interest rates, financing or ‘bailing out’ financial institutions and restricting short selling and other previously permissible practices.

Many forget that the US Fed’s mandate is broader than most other central banks. Instead of providing financial stability by containing inflation, it is also expected to sustain growth and full employment.

Many wealthy countries adopted bold monetary and fiscal policies in response to the Great Recession. Lower interest rates and increased public spending helped.

With the world economy in a protracted slowdown since the GFC, tighter fiscal and monetary policies since 2022 have especially hurt developing countries.

Effective counter-cyclical policies and long-term regulatory reforms were discouraged. Instead, many complied with market and IMF pressures to cut fiscal deficits and inflation.

Reform finance
Nevertheless, appeals for more government intervention and regulation are common during crises. However, procyclical policies replace counter-cyclical measures once a situation is less threatening, as in late 2009.

Quick fixes rarely offer adequate solutions. They do not prevent future crises, which rarely replay previous crises. Instead, measures should address current and likely future risks, not earlier ones.

Financial reforms for developing countries should address three matters. First, needed long-term investments should be adequately funded with affordable and reliable financing.

Well-run development banks, relying mainly on official resources, can help fund such investments. Commercial banks should also be regulated to support desired investments.

Second, financial regulation should address new conditions and challenges, but regulatory frameworks should be countercyclical. As with fiscal policy, capital reserves should grow in good times to strengthen resilience to downturns.

Third, countries should have appropriate controls to deter undesirable capital inflows which do not enhance economic development or financial stability.

Precious financial resources will be needed to stem the disruptive outflows that invariably follow financial turmoil and to mitigate their consequences.

IPS UN Bureau

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

By Thoko Elphick-Pooley
HOVE, United Kingdom, Aug 14 2024 – Over the last ten years, I have been privileged to witness incredible progress in the fight against neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) – a journey marked by unwavering dedication, resilience, and hope.

This group of twenty-one diseases affects 1.65 billion people around the world and can disable, disfigure, and be fatal. But despite significant global obstacles, including the COVID-19 pandemic, supply chain disruptions due to the conflict in Russia and the Ukraine, and severe weather events, our collective efforts fighting NTDs have transformed the lives of millions.

As I step down from my role as Executive Director of Uniting to Combat NTDs, I am filled with a profound sense of pride and reflection. From the inclusion of NTDs in the health-related Sustainable Development Goals to the endorsement by Heads of States of the Continental Framework on NTDs and the Common Africa Position, important global and regional frameworks now exist to guide collective action and efforts.

Supporting countries on the pathway to eliminating NTDs by 2030 and helping 49 additional countries achieve elimination goals will be a smart investment for IDA21, delivering tangible and far-reaching impact

From global leaders endorsing the historic Kigali Declaration on NTDs alongside the 26th CHOGM Summit in 2022 to the Reaching the Last Mile Forum held at the 28th United Nations Climate Change Summit in 2023, we have witnessed countries standing shoulder to shoulder with donors, companies, organisations and civil society to pledge commitments to end NTDs.

These concrete actions have illuminated a path toward a future where NTDs no longer wreak havoc on the lives of vulnerable communities around the world.

The impact we have seen is real and substantial. Fifty-one countries have now eliminated at least one NTD.

Sleeping sickness, for instance, has been eliminated as a public health problem in seven countries, with Chad being the latest to achieve this milestone this year. Lymphatic filariasis has been eliminated in nineteen countries, with the Lao People’s Democratic Republic becoming the most recent to eliminate the disease as a public health threat in 2023. And progress has had a ripple effect, with some countries eliminating multiple NTDs.

In 2022, Togo became the first country in the world to eliminate four NTDs (guinea worm, lymphatic filariasis, trachoma, and sleeping sickness) while Benin and Ghana have eliminated three NTDs each, leading to recognition at an ECOWAS Heads of State Summit in 2013.

Meanwhile, 843 million people received treatment for an NTD in the year 2022 alone, powered by one of the most successful private public partnerships in the history of global health, with over 17 billion treatments for NTDs donated by the pharmaceutical industry between 2012 and 2023.

These successes have been built on years of shared experiences in NTD prevention, control, and elimination efforts.

Thoko Elphick-Pooley

The human impact of this work is the most important measure of our success. Reflecting on this journey, I recall the faces of countless individuals whose lives have been touched by this work.

The children who can now attend school, the families who can now work and thrive, the communities that are no longer shackled by preventable diseases. These stories of transformation are the heartbeat of our mission and the fuel that has driven us forward.

Yet, as we celebrate these incredible milestones, we must also take stock of the critical steps needed to ensure this progress continues. We stand at a pivotal moment, where the gains we have made must be solidified and expanded.

To do so, NTD programmes are in desperate need of sustainable, long-term financing and strengthened political commitment. One critical way to respond to this need is to prioritise disease elimination as a flagship initiative for 21st replenishment of the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA21), which provides grants and financing to the world’s poorest countries.

This includes establishing a dedicated funding stream under IDA21’s Health Track. Doing so would ensure sustained progress against these diseases and will help the World Bank achieve its mandate to alleviate poverty, boost economic growth, and improve living conditions for millions of people on a livable planet.

With only 15% of the Sustainable Development Goals on track, the urgency to demonstrate impact at scale has never been greater.

Supporting countries on the pathway to eliminating NTDs by 2030 and helping 49 additional countries achieve elimination goals will be a smart investment for IDA21, delivering tangible and far-reaching impact. This is not just a health imperative; it is a moral and economic one.

Our journey is far from over. The path ahead requires sustained political will, continued resource mobilisation, and unwavering commitment.

We have the knowledge, the tools, and the momentum. Now is the time to harness these and push forward with renewed vigor. Let it be said, decades from now, that we did not waver in our fight. Let it be said that we left the world a healthier place, free from the scourge of neglected tropical diseases.

Thoko Elphick-Pooley is the outgoing Executive Director of Uniting to Combat Neglected Tropical Diseases.

Excerpt:

The outgoing Executive Director of Uniting to Combat NTDs reflects on a decade at the helm of a global advocacy organisation dedicated to ending neglected tropical diseases (NTDs). 

By Rafiqul Islam
DHAKA, Aug 14 2024 – Justice for all those who died and suffered injuries during the recent student-led quota reform movement in Bangladesh and reforms to the systems to ensure that this justice takes place are not negotiable, an adviser to the Bangladesh interim government, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, told IPS in an exclusive interview

“The interim government has decided to ensure justice and it will be very transparent. Justice will be ensured not only for those who were killed and injured but it will accurately bring the perpetrators to justice so that innocent people are not affected.”

Hasan was sworn in as an advisor to Nobel laureate economist Muhammad Yunus’ interim government after the resignation of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, following weeks of deadly protests that, according to reports, left at least 300 people dead. She is an award-winning environmental lawyer known for her activism and is also the Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change for the interim government.

Adviser to the Bangladesh interim government, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, has promised justice and reform following the quota reform movement protests that brought down the Bangladesh government.

Reform of Security Sector

Hasan mentioned that the reforms needed in the security sector will be recommended through the trial process.

“Now we have to talk about the process of trial, which would be more transparent. One part of the trial has already started. The students detained during the movement will be released.”

News reports put the number of arrests at more than 10,000 since the protests began, including students and political opposition leaders.

“Whoever gave instruction to detain students, who directed to open fire (on students), leaving people so many dead and injured, and who commanded to put them (the six coordinators of the students’ movement) in the so-called custody of the DB (detective branch of police)—all will be probed so that the accused of directives cannot get relief.”

Hasan was referring to Nahid Islam, Abu Bakar Majumder, Asif Mahmud, Sarjis Alam, Hasnat Abdullah, and Nusrat Tabassum of the Students Against Discrimination Movement, who were arrested between July 26 and 28, 2024. The group was reportedly coerced to issue a statement of withdrawal from the protest movement while being detained for one week by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s (DMP) Detective Branch (DB). They were released on August 1.

Hasan said the trial would have the target of bringing about necessary reforms so that those accused of commanding these actions cannot make such directives in the future.

There was no reason for the government to open fire, she said, adding that the movement was non-partisan and was simply to address discrimination in the public service examination and appointment process.

She recalled that the first anti-quota movement was waged in 2018 and at that time, the Bangladesh government abolished the quota system in response to the student movement.

“But the then government, as clear as it was, wanted to again bring back the quota system so that it could use it, the reservation system, to get its own people into public service,” Hasan said.

She alleged that after the quota system was abolished, the government used the judicial system to bring it back.

In June 2024, the High Court ordered the reinstatement of the 30 percent quota for children of freedom fighters in a judgment that pronounced the 2018 abolition of quotas illegal.

The Chief Adviser of the interim government is Nobel laureate economist Dr. Muhammad Yunus. The unrest in Bangladesh reached a critical point, with accusations against PM Sheikh Hasina leading to her departure. In this volatile environment, an interim government has been established to restore stability and order. His appointment is seen as a move to bring credibility and expertise to the transitional leadership during these challenging times. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan

Students Fighting for Rights to Decent Work, End Discrimination

The students in Bangladesh were fighting for their rights—they have rights to get decent jobs and access to the job market without discrimination, she added.

“Why should a movement on a subject like this require any sort of firing by law enforcement agencies?” she asked, referring to the high death toll during the protests. “Why could not the government sit with the agitating students and solve the problem? I remind you again that the problem was once solved but they (the government) brought it back through a judicial verdict.”

She accused the previous administration of failing to act humanely and take into consideration the students’ concerns.

“They could have just consulted the students. But instead of inviting the students for discussion, what they did was blame the judiciary,” she said.

Hasan asserted that one judge reportedly made the comment that a judgment of the High Court could not change because of public agitation on the streets.

“Why did he need to make such a comment? When I am the chief justice, I only talk about an issue that comes before me. Why do I make such a provocative comment that triggers more tension?” she asked.

Student protesters throw shoes at a mural of Sheikh Hasina at Dhaka University, expressing their anger over political turmoil and government policies. The protesters are demonstrating their frustration with the government’s handling of recent events, including the controversial quota reforms and the violent clashes with police. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan

Open Discussions, Rather Than Open Fire

The comment, she said, showed that the entire power structure enjoyed unfettered power.

“They took it (the students’ movement) as their political opposition and they took it as a challenge to the authority, which was not the case at all,” Hasan said.

“And it was not that police opened fire for one day but they kept on opening fire and that was when it turned into a public revolution,” Hasan said.

She described that initially it started as a students’ movement and then it turned into a revolution where all the parents and all those who were angry with the government joined it.

The government could have and should have handled the situation better. It claimed it was also against the quota. If it had opened discussions instead of opening fire, the situation would have been different for all.

“We are standing on the blood of many students—the dead bodies of at least 500 Bangladeshis. Bangladeshis will remember what their own forces have done to their own people.”

“One outcome of this has been the departure of the fascist regime. That, to some extent, has consoled people that we have finally gotten rid of the fascist regime. However, for us to get back to some degree of psychological normalcy, we really need to ensure justice. We really need to ensure the culprits get punished. We really need to do the reform in security forces so that never ever again in the history of Bangladesh excess force is applied,” the adviser said.

Students protest for the reformation of the quota system in the government job sector around the Secretariat area in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on July 14, 2024. The issue of quota reform in Bangladesh has been a contentious topic, sparking widespread debate and protests over the past few years. Initially aimed at addressing historical injustices and providing opportunities to underprivileged groups, the quota system in government jobs and educational institutions has faced significant opposition from various segments of society. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan

No Artificial Pretense of Democracy

Bangladesh has to go back to democracy and it must be such a democracy that it is an institutional process—it is not an artificial cosmetic namesake democracy but it has to be an actual one, she says.

Hasan, also an eminent environmental advocate, said Bangladesh needs reforms in law enforcement operations, the judiciary, administration and service delivery systems to establish an actual democracy.

“You have to ensure accountability and transparency. I believe the interim government will take these reform agendas very seriously. And once people see that their country has started functioning in a way that they have always wanted and that their country has started respecting ordinary citizens, I think only then will the situation calm down. There is no shortcut to this,” she added.

About the demands of the students, the adviser said the list of demands of the protesters was not very long but they were very profound.

“They are not asking for something that cannot be done. They are asking for justice. If you say it cannot be done, then you are not living in a civilized society. They are asking for the rule of law and they are asking for democracy,” she said.

She added that it is possible to meet their demands but there will be challenges because there are vested interests that have been created both in the last 15 years and prior to that.

“Anyone who gets the votes and comes to power becomes somewhat ‘fascist’. For the outgoing one, it was a long time (in power) so they became extra fascist and also not very respectful of people’s rights. So it is possible but there will be challenges.”

About the probe to be carried out into the killings during the quota reform movement, Hasan said justice has to be done and those involved in activities that are dangerous, unlawful and unauthorized would be punished.

The people in authority who commanded these atrocious acts will be brought to justice, she said.

“So it is the interest of all of us that a fair and free trial will be done. And those who are guilty, whichever they come from, are punished.”

Future Role of Student Leadership

Asked about whether students will be included in the government’s activities, the adviser said the interim government, in principle, has decided to include the students in the activities of every ministry and department.

“We managed to change the government but we did not manage to change the system. They (students) will be part of the government’s operations,” she promised, but the details were still to be worked out.

Referring to the role of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which was ousted as a corrupt government 20 years ago, Hasan said their role should be constructive.

BNP should also realize the fact that it fought hard but did not manage to get a proper election from the ousted Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government, she said.

“The ousted government played with every single part of the election mechanism. So, (the government’s ousting) is not to be taken as a victory that has been achieved by any one party. It is a victory for all of us, indeed.

“The BNP has to respond to the calls for reform because they also could not make it to power for almost 18 years because of their misdeeds,” she added.

Check-and-balance and accountability mechanisms must be put in place before holding a national election to ensure that whoever comes to power will not be able to go beyond the limits, the adviser said.

Learn the Lessons of Reconciliation

About reconciliation, she said Bangladesh can definitely learn from South Africa but Bangladesh should have learnt it 40 years ago. All involved agencies must reconcile, and reconciliation has become essential.

“It is a very divided society. We can be divided on political ideology but on national goals, we should not have these divisions,” she added.

Hasan said the Bangladesh Army can play a role in the reconciliation process by assisting in the trial process. But she thinks that the army and democracy are not essentially synonymous.

“I think the army should confine itself within their legal mandate and ensure any force or agency that creates any obstacle to democracy is strictly dealt with. The Army should not side with any given political force. It should maintain its impartiality,” she said.

About her personal goal, she said, “As a citizen, I see myself as someone who is respected, someone who is listened to and someone who is not intimidated or threatened.”

“I bear the identity card of Bangladesh so I deserve that respect. Professionally, I am happy to go back to my earlier job and become a very effective environmental justice advocate,” Hasan noted.

Note: The photos for this article are by renowned photographer and filmmaker Mohammad Rakibul Hasan from his picture essay entitled The Rebirth of Bangladesh.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);