By CIVICUS
Oct 16 2024 –  
CIVICUS discusses a recently passed law regulating civil society organisations (CSOs) in Paraguay with Marta Ferrara and Olga Caballero, executive directors of Semillas para la Democracia (Seeds for Democracy) and Alma Cívica (Civic Soul), two of the organisations leading the civil society response to the closing of civic space.

On 9 October, Paraguay’s Congress passed a law on the ‘control, transparency and accountability of nonprofit organisations’. The law gives the government the power to impose excessive controls on CSOs and punish non-compliance with sanctions that include closure of offending organisations and lengthy disqualifications for their directors. Paraguayan civil society says this jeopardises the independence of CSOs and their ability to act in pursuit of their legitimate objectives. It’s calling on the president to veto the bill.

Marta Ferrara and Olga Caballero

What’s the law just passed by the Paraguayan Congress about?

The new law makes no secret of its purpose, which is to increase government control over CSOs. It establishes strict registration and reporting requirements for all CSOs that handle public or private funds, both national and international.

It’s a law similar to those used by authoritarian regimes such as Nicaragua and Venezuela to restrict and criminalise the work of CSOs in key areas such as human rights and anti-corruption. It uses transparency as an excuse, when CSOs working for democracy and human rights are already accountable to a range of state institutions, as well as to donors, partners and allies. Of course we want transparency, it’s one of the things we fight for, but that’s not what this law is about. If it were, the government would have called for participatory drafting of the bill, rather than imposing it as it has done.

Our analysis highlights three key problems with the law: unclear administrative requirements, excessive controls and disproportionate sanctions.

First, the law requires CSOs to register with the Ministry of Economy and Finance, but doesn’t set out clear procedures for doing so, which could lead to arbitrary barriers that would likely affect smaller organisations that are less able to navigate the bureaucracy.

Second, the law imposes excessive controls on the funding of CSOs. CSOs will be required to submit detailed reports on the origin and use of their funds. This could allow the government to arbitrarily intervene in their financial operations and hinder their access to funding.

Third, the law imposes excessive penalties for not complying with provisions that are quite vague, ranging from heavy fines to the dissolution of organisations.

Why this attempt to restrict civil society freedoms?

This law is part of a wider pattern of civic space restrictions, which has recently seen worrying setbacks. It’s one of the biggest attacks on civic and democratic freedoms in Paraguay’s recent history, but it’s far from the only one.

Powerful political forces have long promoted a narrative that delegitimises CSOs. They accuse them of posing a threat to the country’s democratic stability, when the reality is quite the opposite, as civil society stands out for its work to defend rights and democratic institutions. Delegitimising narratives have served to justify excessive controls on CSOs.

The Congressional Commission of Inquiry is playing a prominent role. It has diverted from its original function of investigating crimes related to money laundering and other financial crimes to focus on persecuting and intimidating CSOs and political groups and people who defend democracy and rights, and more generally those who are considered critical of or opposed to the group currently in power.

Does the law target a particular type of organisation or activism?

While all CSOs could be affected, we’re particularly concerned the law will be used to delegitimise and constrain the actions of organisations that challenge the powerful, promote human rights, strengthen participation, fight corruption and promote transparency.

The law seems designed to weaken any group the government deems critical, limiting their ability to act and curtailing their independence. Thanks to its vague definitions, the government could selectively apply it to stifle watchdog organisations, which are key to the functioning of a healthy democracy.

How has Paraguayan civil society reacted?

Since learning about the first draft of the bill, civil society has mounted a coordinated opposition through statements and joint actions. We have defended our role in promoting transparency and democracy, and several organisations have publicly condemned the use of authoritarian and conspiratorial narratives designed to provoke fear and division in society.

The Advocacy Group of CSOs in Defence of Democracy, which our organisations belong to, has focused on creating spaces for debate and coordinating positions to confront disinformation, restrictive legislation and other threats to civic space.

Although civil society faces limitations in speaking out collectively, we have a strong commitment to continue working together and supporting one another. But we need more support from multilateral agencies, funders and human rights networks to raise the profile of the situation. We need support to protect the work of CSOs from government attacks and to facilitate access to resources and global advocacy forums.

Meanwhile, Paraguayan civil society has urged the executive to veto the law, and we are currently awaiting the decision of the president, who must sign it into law. This is a critical moment for civic space in Paraguay.

Get in touch with Semillas para la Democracia through its website or its Facebook and Instagram pages, and follow @semillaspy on Twitter.

Get in touch with Alma Cívica through its website or its Facebook and Instagram pages, and follow @AlmaCivica on Twitter.

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 16 2024 – The next round of the polio vaccination campaign in Gaza, a major undertaking for health partners, began on October 14, as continuous attacks and strains whittle down the healthcare and humanitarian systems.

This Monday, October 14 marked the start of the second round of the polio vaccination campaign in Gaza. This follows the relatively successful first round of vaccinations, which ran from September 1-12 and ended up immunizing over 559,161 children aged ten years or younger. The second round of vaccinations will provide an estimated 591,700 children with a crucial second dose of the nOPV2 vaccine.

The United Nations (UN) and the World Health Organization (WHO) have urged Israeli authorities for a humanitarian pause, allowing for immunization efforts to run smoothly. However, continued attacks in the Gaza Strip have threatened to impede relief efforts and have put the lives of aid workers in danger.

“We cannot vaccinate children under a sky full of bombs. All parties to the conflict must respect the agreed-upon humanitarian pauses to allow the roll-out of this campaign”, said the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

On Monday, the UN reported airstrikes on a school-turned-shelter in Nuseirat and a hospital courtyard in Deir Al-Balah, the latter of which set multiple tents on fire. Images and video footage shared by UNRWA showed aid personnel searching through rubble for survivors, as well as retrieving charred bodies from tents. Approximately 20 people were killed in this attack and vaccination efforts at the school were halted.

“We miraculously survived, the fire caught everywhere, even the tent where we were sleeping burnt. This is just one of many incidents that we’ve had overnight in the Gaza Strip. These are people that are just sheltering. They’re just trying to find somewhere to sleep trying to find some safety in the Gaza strip where there absolutely is none”, said Louise Wateridge, a spokesperson for UNRWA.

Repeated evacuation orders issued by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have also put a strain on vaccination efforts. Muhannad Hadi, the UN’s top aid official in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, confirmed that over 50,000 people have been displaced from the Jabaliya camp due to evacuation orders on October 7, 9, and 12.

According to the World Food Programme (WFP), the most difficult areas to vaccinate are the northern regions of Gaza, where food deliveries have been halted since October 1. Additionally, further blockages have occurred in southern Gaza, in which all checkpoints leading north have halted the delivery of essential resources.

Despite these numerous access challenges, the second round of polio vaccinations is off to a promising start. In a statement by UNRWA, it was confirmed that roughly 93,000 children under ten years old have been immunized so far. Approximately 43 percent of children who have been reached received the second dose of nOPV2, along with a vitamin A dose in order to maximize overall immunity. Much like the first round of this campaign, the second round will consist of three phases, targeting the northern, southern, and central regions of Gaza. Each phase is set to consist of three days and an additional catch-up day.

Approximately 1,000 aid workers have been mobilized to assist in vaccination efforts and educational services. Additionally, assessments are being conducted by the UN to determine the scale of needs following Monday’s attacks on the Al-Aqsa hospital in Deir Al-Balah. Tents, bedding, clothing, children’s supplies, hygiene kits, and food are urgently needed.

WFP distributed the last of their food supplies in the north, where the hunger crisis has escalated significantly in the past two weeks. Canned food, high energy biscuits, and nutritional supplements have been distributed to displacement camps, bakeries, medical facilities, and kitchens. It is unknown how long these resources will last as restrictions on aid continue to tighten in northern Gaza.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

By Azza Karam
NEW YORK, Oct 16 2024 – Published ahead of the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty on 17 October, UN Women issued the 2024 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development Report. This is the UN Secretary-General’s Report, which is mandated by the Economic and Financial Committee (Second Committee) of the UN General Assembly, and focuses on macroeconomic policy, sustainable development, financing and poverty eradication.

Presented every five years, the Report’s executive agency, so to speak – UN Women – note that it provides an important opportunity for research and in-depth assessment of a theme related to gender equality and economic and social policy, “for the UN Member States”.

This 2024 edition focuses on Harnessing Social Protection for Gender Equality, Resilience and Transformation. The Report underscores, among other critical aspects, the widening gender gap in social protection, which is leaving women and girls more vulnerable to poverty, noting that while levels of social protection have increased since 2015, gender gaps in such coverage have widened in most developing regions.

The report suggests that the recent gains have benefited men more than women, and notes that up to two billion women and girls are without access to any form of social protection.

While this may not be widely known, and is not necessarily noted as such in the report, one of the most basic forms of healthcare for future generations, is maternal health. Without maternity protection, entire social structures – families, children, households, communities, and nations, indeed generations, can be rendered disabled.

Even on that score, the Report shows the dismal state of maternity protection across the globe. Despite advancements, more than 63 per cent of women worldwide still give birth without access to maternity benefits, with the figure soaring to 94 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Report points out that lack of financial support during maternity leave, not only places women at an economic disadvantage, but it effectively perpetuates poverty itself, across generations.

One of the Reports premises, a raison d’etre in a sense, which was at the heart of the research and discussions by global experts and UN Women’s own analysts, is that a gender analysis of opportunities, risks and levers for protecting and promoting rights “along the social protection delivery chain” is largely missing.

The report therefore aims to fill this gap by looking at how delivery mechanisms – including eligibility, registration, and enrolment processes; monitoring, participation and accountability payments; and service delivery and case management – can be strengthened to reduce discrimination, address multiple and intersecting inequalities and empower women and girls in all their diversity.

To that end, the report reviews evidence on barriers and enablers, including ways in which digital and data innovations can be harnessed to increase women’s access to social protection, as well as the role of women’s organizations in demanding access, sensitizing communities, supporting last mile registration and monitoring and accountability.

The report addresses the ‘great finance divide’ currently curtailing the ability of many developing countries to invest in gender-responsive social protection systems through greater domestic resource mobilization and complementary international support.

It notes that currently, global social protection expenditure remains insufficient to guarantee national social protection floors, let alone to provide progressively higher levels of protection to as many people as possible. The report seeks to explore good practices to increase domestic resources from taxation and social security contributions – focusing on doing so in gender-equitable and sustainable ways.

Clearly calling out that many countries have the means to create fiscal space domestically, the Report notes that low-income countries are unlikely to be able to raise on their own the additional USD 77.9 billion, or 15.9 per cent of their GDP, required for the implementation of a basic social protection floor.

The Report also discusses the need for global measures, including debt cancellation, reform of the lending practices of multilateral development banks, equitable global tax accords which ensure multinational corporations pay their fair share, as well as an increase in official development assistance.

This seminal Report on social protection is not only a means for reflection for member states of the UN, or for the more than 60+ offices, funds and mechanisms of the world’s premiere multilateral entity. It is a necessary tool with which to hold all human rights duty bearers accountable.

As such, this evidence-based, well researched, and necessary Report fails in one critical regard: it did not factor into its varied consultations, let alone the calculations undertaken and the evidence provided, the realms of social protection means which religious institutions and religious civil society organisations, actively play in, and contribute to – and have done for centuries.

To provide a small sample of how fellow entities (lest one be accused of not understanding the and Faith Communities in Health Emergencies published in November 2021 (prompted by the UN worldview) take the myriad forms of social protection means of/by religious institutions, I mention the following: in its Strategy for Engaging religious leaders, Faith-based organizations Covid-19 dynamics), the World Health Organisation (WHO) acknowledged its engagement of these constituencies, in supporting national governments during health emergencies.

The goal, notes the WHO was/is, “to enable more effective responses by strengthening collaboration between the WHO, national governments and religious leaders, faith-based organizations, and faith communities, resulting in more people being better protected from health emergencies and enjoying better health and well-being, including improved trust and social cohesion”.

For the World Food Programme (WFP) just one Church partner (the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints, also known as the Mormons) donated, in 2022 alone, $32 million to help provide food and other assistance to 1.6 million people in nine countries. WFP partners with a whole host of other religious actors in its advocacy, as well as, crucially, its service delivery.

Similarly, UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund) acknowledges its partnerships with faith-based organizations (FBOs) in a variety of ways, including raising and receiving funds (for UNICEF work), advocacy, program implementation, and collaboration on a range of issues, such as child nutrition and protecting child refugees – to name but a few.

In their rationale for their long history of partnerships, UNICEF notes that faith-based actors are “uniquely able to reach disenfranchised groups…[and] have also historically played a role in providing food, clothing, shelter, and promoting community development”.

Are none of these entities engaged with advising and supporting governments to enhance social protection means and mechanisms? Or is it that in spite of this (and plenty more evidence on how religious institutions, leaders, and NGOs contribute to the oldest forms of social protection known to human kind), this Report, like most of the research and data on social protection, remains blind and/or silent as to these global, regional and national sectors.

Any understanding of social protection without taking these providers, and the range of services they provide, into account, not only fails in its analysis, but it also omits to mention how religious actors are filling in some of the financial gaps – not necessarily always to the benefit of women’s empowerment and gender equality.

Yet, who is to hold them accountable?

Dr Azza Karam is an Affiliated Professor at the Ansari Institute for Global Engagement with Religion in the University of Notre Dame’s Keough School of Global Affairs, and President and CEO of Lead Integrity, a faith-inspired and women-led global management consultancy.

IPS UN Bureau

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

Excerpt:

International Day for the Eradication of Poverty

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 16 2024 – The growing gender gap between men and women is reflected not only in the world’s highest political hierarchies but also in the daily social and economic lives—with most women fighting a losing battle against poverty.

The latest flagship report from UN Women reveals a widening gender gap in social protection -– the raft of policies, including cash benefits, unemployment protection, pensions and healthcare – which leaves women and girls more vulnerable to poverty.

Released ahead of the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty on October 17, the report shows that a staggering two billion women and girls are without access to any form of social protection.

While levels of social protection have increased since 2015, gender gaps in such coverage have widened in most developing regions, suggesting that the recent gains have benefited men more than women.

While levels of social protection have increased since 2015, gender gaps in such coverage have widened in most developing regions, suggesting that the recent gains have benefited men more than women

In a world of turmoil, the report calls on governments to provide women and girls with sustainable pathways out of poverty, by prioritizing the needs of women and girls in their social protection measures and crisis responses.

Sandra Ramirez, a Legal and Advocacy Advisor at Equality Now, told IPS women around the world continue to be denied their economic rights– and their economic participation is hindered by a range of sex-discriminatory laws, including those that govern labor and prevent women from having equal access to property ownership, inheritance, and retirement rights.

In numerous countries, she pointed out, women face barriers to accessing credit and bank accounts and are barred from certain professions. Financial inequality prevents many women from accruing wealth, attaining economic stability, and investing in essentials such as housing, healthcare, and retirement.

“Legal and social restrictions on women’s access to education and economic participation limit their earning potential, widen the gender pay gap, and curtail their decision-making power. This combines to keep women disproportionately represented in low-wage, insecure, and unregulated jobs, with limited access to career advancement opportunities,” she said.

UN Women’s new report highlights how globally, in 2023, just 36.4% of women with newborns were covered by maternity benefits. Without adequate paid maternity leave, new mothers are often forced to return to work shortly after childbirth, potentially jeopardizing their physical and mental health as they juggle the demands of childcare and work.

The lack of paid paternity leave in many countries perpetuates traditional gender roles, placing the burden of caregiving on women and forcing mothers to choose between their careers and family responsibilities.

The unequal distribution of unpaid care work and the undervaluation of women’s unpaid care and domestic labor compounds the obstacles women face, said Ramirez, who is based in Colombia.

Ben Phillips, author of ‘How to Fight Inequality’ and a former advisor to governments on social policy, told IPS the numbers revealed in UN Women’s powerful new report should shock policymakers into action.

“The widening chasm in social protection is pushing millions into misery, driving deprivation across generations, holding back growth, and undermining the social contract. The data in this report expose no mere set of unfortunate policy mistakes but instead structural, systemic and spiraling inequality that is the backdrop for a moment in which development, prosperity and stability are all in danger”.

The cause for hope, he pointed out, is that there are policy solutions proven to work. The challenge, however, is to overcome elite political obstruction to any equalizing policy proposals. The only safe approach for the world now is for leaders to be bold, and for citizens to organise to ensure that they are,” he declared.

Meanwhile, the report shows the dismal state of maternity protection across the globe. Despite advancements, more than 63 per cent of women worldwide still give birth without access to maternity benefits, with the figure soaring to 94 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa.

The lack of financial support during maternity leave not only places women at an economic disadvantage, it also compromises their health and well-being and that of their children, perpetuating poverty across generations.

The report also paints a stark picture of the gendered nature of poverty. Women and girls are overrepresented among the poor at every stage of life, with the largest gaps during their childbearing years. Women aged 25-34 are 25 per cent more likely to live in extremely poor households than men in the same age group.

Conflict and climate change exacerbate this inequality. Women in fragile contexts are 7.7 times more likely to live in extreme poverty compared to those in non-fragile environments.

Gender-specific risks and vulnerabilities are often neglected in the aftermath of shocks. For example, very high rates of inflation since 2022, which have led to spiraling food and energy prices, hit women particularly hard.

Yet, out of nearly 1,000 social protection measures adopted by governments across 171 countries in the months that followed, only 18 per cent targeted women’s economic security.

Ramirez of Equality Now said the gender gap in social protection leaves women bearing the brunt of economic instability and undermines their ability to recover and thrive. Climate change and conflicts around the world are deepening economic inequality for women, as resources are diverted away from social protections that they desperately need.

With two billion women and girls lacking access to basic social safety nets, they are being pushed further into poverty, particularly in regions devastated by environmental disasters, war, and unrest.

“The push for higher military spending under the guise of national security has, in various cases, resulted in cuts to budgets that support women, depriving them of critical services like shelters and legal resources. Moreover, tax regimes, trade policies, and international agreements are often skewed against the interests of women and girls, further entrenching gender inequality.”

Addressing the gender pay gap, argued Ramirez, requires governments to actively strengthen legal protections for women in the workforce. This includes preventing them from being confined to low-paid or unregulated roles. It also requires addressing the issue of women being forced to leave work for unpaid caregiving and subsequently denied equal pension access.

“The adoption of progressive laws, like equal pay for equal work by governments, is important, and the robust implementation of these laws is vital for meaningful change. Women’s participation in the economy should not be seen as a trade-off among competing development priorities—it must be embedded at the core of all developmental processes”.

It’s time to shift the narrative, she said. “Boosting women’s economic involvement, acknowledging and valuing their contributions and expertise, and redefining how we measure and promote economic activity should be recognized as urgent imperatives”.

Presenting the report, at a joint event with the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), Sarah Hendriks, Director of the Policy, Programme and Intergovernmental Division at UN Women, said the potential of social protection for gender equality, resilience and transformation is enormous.

“To harness this, we need to centre the dignity, agency and empowerment of women and girls at every stage of the process – from policy and programme design to delivery and financing.”

With contributions from academia, civil society and the UN system, notably the International Labour Organization (ILO), the report spotlights examples of progress. Countries such as Mongolia have extended maternity leave benefits to informal workers, including herders and the self-employed, while also strengthening paternity leave to support gender equality in caregiving responsibilities

In countries like Mexico and Tunisia, steps have been taken to include domestic workers in social security systems. In Senegal, the National Health Insurance scheme has extended and adapted its services to cater to rural women, with support from UN Women.

These initiatives demonstrate the transformative potential of social protection systems, policies and programmes that are gender-responsive, i.e. that pay special attention to the unique challenges that women and girls face.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

Excerpt:

International Day for the Eradication of Poverty

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 16 2024 – The growing gender gap between men and women is reflected not only in the world’s highest political hierarchies but also in the daily social and economic lives—with most women fighting a losing battle against poverty.

The latest flagship report from UN Women reveals a widening gender gap in social protection -– the raft of policies, including cash benefits, unemployment protection, pensions and healthcare – which leaves women and girls more vulnerable to poverty.

Released ahead of the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty on October 17, the report shows that a staggering two billion women and girls are without access to any form of social protection.

While levels of social protection have increased since 2015, gender gaps in such coverage have widened in most developing regions, suggesting that the recent gains have benefited men more than women.

In a world of turmoil, the report calls on governments to provide women and girls with sustainable pathways out of poverty, by prioritizing the needs of women and girls in their social protection measures and crisis responses.

Sandra Ramirez, a Legal and Advocacy Advisor at Equality Now, told IPS women around the world continue to be denied their economic rights– and their economic participation is hindered by a range of sex-discriminatory laws, including those that govern labor and prevent women from having equal access to property ownership, inheritance, and retirement rights.

In numerous countries, she pointed out, women face barriers to accessing credit and bank accounts and are barred from certain professions. Financial inequality prevents many women from accruing wealth, attaining economic stability, and investing in essentials such as housing, healthcare, and retirement.

“Legal and social restrictions on women’s access to education and economic participation limit their earning potential, widen the gender pay gap, and curtail their decision-making power. This combines to keep women disproportionately represented in low-wage, insecure, and unregulated jobs, with limited access to career advancement opportunities,” she said.

UN Women’s new report highlights how globally, in 2023, just 36.4% of women with newborns were covered by maternity benefits. Without adequate paid maternity leave, new mothers are often forced to return to work shortly after childbirth, potentially jeopardizing their physical and mental health as they juggle the demands of childcare and work.

The lack of paid paternity leave in many countries perpetuates traditional gender roles, placing the burden of caregiving on women and forcing mothers to choose between their careers and family responsibilities.

The unequal distribution of unpaid care work and the undervaluation of women’s unpaid care and domestic labor compounds the obstacles women face, said Ramirez, who is based in Colombia.

Ben Phillips, author of ‘How to Fight Inequality’ and a former advisor to governments on social policy, told IPS the numbers revealed in UN Women’s powerful new report should shock policymakers into action.

“The widening chasm in social protection is pushing millions into misery, driving deprivation across generations, holding back growth, and undermining the social contract. The data in this report expose no mere set of unfortunate policy mistakes but instead structural, systemic and spiraling inequality that is the backdrop for a moment in which development, prosperity and stability are all in danger”.

The cause for hope, he pointed out, is that there are policy solutions proven to work. The challenge, however, is to overcome elite political obstruction to any equalizing policy proposals. The only safe approach for the world now is for leaders to be bold, and for citizens to organise to ensure that they are,” he declared.

Meanwhile, the report shows the dismal state of maternity protection across the globe. Despite advancements, more than 63 per cent of women worldwide still give birth without access to maternity benefits, with the figure soaring to 94 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa.

The lack of financial support during maternity leave not only places women at an economic disadvantage, it also compromises their health and well-being and that of their children, perpetuating poverty across generations.

The report also paints a stark picture of the gendered nature of poverty. Women and girls are overrepresented among the poor at every stage of life, with the largest gaps during their childbearing years. Women aged 25-34 are 25 per cent more likely to live in extremely poor households than men in the same age group.

Conflict and climate change exacerbate this inequality. Women in fragile contexts are 7.7 times more likely to live in extreme poverty compared to those in non-fragile environments.

Gender-specific risks and vulnerabilities are often neglected in the aftermath of shocks. For example, very high rates of inflation since 2022, which have led to spiraling food and energy prices, hit women particularly hard.

Yet, out of nearly 1,000 social protection measures adopted by governments across 171 countries in the months that followed, only 18 per cent targeted women’s economic security.

Ramirez of Equality Now said the gender gap in social protection leaves women bearing the brunt of economic instability and undermines their ability to recover and thrive. Climate change and conflicts around the world are deepening economic inequality for women, as resources are diverted away from social protections that they desperately need.

With two billion women and girls lacking access to basic social safety nets, they are being pushed further into poverty, particularly in regions devastated by environmental disasters, war, and unrest.

“The push for higher military spending under the guise of national security has, in various cases, resulted in cuts to budgets that support women, depriving them of critical services like shelters and legal resources. Moreover, tax regimes, trade policies, and international agreements are often skewed against the interests of women and girls, further entrenching gender inequality.”

Addressing the gender pay gap, argued Ramirez, requires governments to actively strengthen legal protections for women in the workforce. This includes preventing them from being confined to low-paid or unregulated roles. It also requires addressing the issue of women being forced to leave work for unpaid caregiving and subsequently denied equal pension access.

“The adoption of progressive laws, like equal pay for equal work by governments, is important, and the robust implementation of these laws is vital for meaningful change. Women’s participation in the economy should not be seen as a trade-off among competing development priorities—it must be embedded at the core of all developmental processes”.

It’s time to shift the narrative, she said. “Boosting women’s economic involvement, acknowledging and valuing their contributions and expertise, and redefining how we measure and promote economic activity should be recognized as urgent imperatives”.

Presenting the report, at a joint event with the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), Sarah Hendriks, Director of the Policy, Programme and Intergovernmental Division at UN Women, said the potential of social protection for gender equality, resilience and transformation is enormous.

“To harness this, we need to centre the dignity, agency and empowerment of women and girls at every stage of the process – from policy and programme design to delivery and financing.”

With contributions from academia, civil society and the UN system, notably the International Labour Organization (ILO), the report spotlights examples of progress. Countries such as Mongolia have extended maternity leave benefits to informal workers, including herders and the self-employed, while also strengthening paternity leave to support gender equality in caregiving responsibilities

In countries like Mexico and Tunisia, steps have been taken to include domestic workers in social security systems. In Senegal, the National Health Insurance scheme has extended and adapted its services to cater to rural women, with support from UN Women.

These initiatives demonstrate the transformative potential of social protection systems, policies and programmes that are gender-responsive, i.e. that pay special attention to the unique challenges that women and girls face.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

Excerpt:

International Day for the Eradication of Poverty

By External Source
Oct 16 2024 (IPS-Partners)

 
Our world has witnessed unprecedented levels of economic development.

The advance of our technological capabilities continues unabated.

Our financial resources continue to grow.

Yet, as of last year, an estimated 750 million people live in extreme poverty.

Extreme poverty is defined as living on less than $2.15 per day.

Roughly 60% of the world’s extreme poor live in Sub-Saharan Africa alone.

81% of the global poor at the poverty line of $3.65 lived in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

As of this year, almost 129 million Indians are living in extreme poverty.

But poverty is not solely an economic issue.

It is a multidimensional phenomenon that encompasses both a lack of income and the basic capabilities to live in dignity.

Significantly, the extreme poor face social and institutional maltreatment – through no fault of their own.

People living in poverty are stigmatized, discriminated against, judged, and even blamed for their situation.

Social maltreatment creates a setting for institutional maltreatment.

Negative attitudes towards the poor end up controlling discriminatory policies and practices.

This can deny people of their fundamental human rights, like access to healthcare, education and housing.

Furthermore, social and institutional maltreatment amplify each other.

These fuel deepening injustice and violence, especially pronounced for people who face gender and racial prejudice.

This year’s International Day for the Eradication of Poverty aims to highlight this hidden dimension of poverty.

We must act together to promote just, peaceful, and inclusive societies.

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

By Sarah Strack
NEW YORK, Oct 16 2024 – Multiple conflicts, the climate emergency and other crises are destabilising many parts of the world and intensifying the strain on the resources needed to finance the global sustainable development agenda. Amid these challenges, data from 2023, shows that Official Development Assistance (ODA) reached a record-breaking US$223.7 billion, up from US$211 billion the previous year, according to Eurodad.

However, if one looks beyond the mere figures, worrying trends are emerging. Major donors like Germany and France are reducing their development budget and several countries are already announcing cuts for 2025.

This trend has prompted debate over the direction and quality of global aid, especially at a time when ODA is more crucial than ever in addressing global crises.

In France, with the campaign #StopàlabaisseAPD (#StoptheODACuts), NGOs are mobilising against further reductions in the 2025 budget, warning that such cuts could undermine international solidarity efforts and hit hardest those who are already left behind.

Coordination SUD, a coalition of 180 French NGOs, is raising the alarm over the potential impact of these cuts, which follow a 13% reduction in 2024, and which is seeing ODA funds slashed again by over 20% in 2025, as per the finance bill presented this Thursday

The first victims of this measure will be the most vulnerable populations. “ODA enables local and international NGOs to work daily with and alongside the most fragile communities,” reminds Olivier Bruyeron, President of Coordination SUD.

“Official development assistance has been used as a political football over recent years,” says Bond, the national platform of NGOs in the UK.

As a national civil society platform, they work to ensure UK aid reaches the communities “that need it most”.

“ODA is being used as a geopolitical tool with national interests in focus, when it should be a mechanism for redistributive justice,” said Alex Farley of Bond in a recent global event during the Summit of the Future hosted by the global civil society network Forus.

This debate is part of a larger global conversation on the future of ODA.

While the traditional 0.7% Gross National Income (GNI) target remains a key benchmark for donor countries, experts argue that ODA must evolve to better address the real needs of recipient communities, particularly in the Global South. As Oyebisi Oluseyi of the Nigerian Network of NGOs (NNNGO) points out, “While this target remains important, it’s no longer enough.”

Critics are calling for a redefinition of ODA that shifts powers toward recipient countries and communities. Zia ur Rehman, Coordinator of the Asia Development Alliance – a regional platform of NGOs, emphasizes the need for local actors to have more say in how funds are used.

Providing a perspective from the Pacific Islands, Emeline Siale from the civil society regional coalition PIANGO, echoes the need for local actors to play a leading role in ODA decision-making, “not merely as participants but as leaders”.

“Community participation itself is a healing process, and it’s become a central topic in many civil society discussions,” Siale explains.

As key international summits on development financing approach, the future of ODA—and its ability to meet the needs of the most vulnerable—hangs in the balance.

“The upcoming Fourth United Nations International Conference on Financing for Development presents a key opportunity for the development community to align with development effectiveness principles, rather than allowing them to be further diluted. Now, more than ever, civil society must play its role, shifting power and pushing for a new global governance of international aid that is more representative, democratic, inclusive, and transparent,” says civil society leader in Burkina Faso Mavalow Christelle Kalhoule and President of Forus, a global civil society network representing over 24,000 NGOs across the globe.

IPS UN Bureau

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?’http’:’https’;if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+’://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js’;fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, ‘script’, ‘twitter-wjs’);  

Excerpt:

Sarah Strack is Forus Director

By Tafadzwa Munyaka and Tatenda Razawu
HARARE, Oct 16 2024 – Localization has become a buzzword in international development, aiming to shift power and resources closer to the communities directly impacted by crises.

In Zimbabwe, with our long history of external donor reliance, localization offers an opportunity to rethink how development and humanitarian aid are delivered.

This is particularly important, as the country has been reeling from successive droughts, for example, that have contributed to food insecurity, gender inequality and economic instability.

Localization refers to the process of empowering local actors—NGOs, community-based organizations and local governments—to lead in humanitarian and development responses. The idea is to shift control from international actors to local ones, ensuring that aid is more sustainable, context-specific and effective

Frameworks such as the Grand Bargain and Charter for Change have played a crucial role in shaping the narrative of localization globally and offer a guide for how this can be done effectively in Zimbabwe, especially given the fact that a majority of donors operating in the country have signed up to various localization frameworks that includes the Grand Bargain, Charter for Change among others.

What is Localization?

Localization refers to the process of empowering local actors—NGOs, community-based organizations and local governments—to lead in humanitarian and development responses.

The idea is to shift control from international actors to local ones, ensuring that aid is more sustainable, context-specific and effective.

This concept aligns closely with the aspirations of many local actors in Zimbabwe who have long argued that they are best positioned to understand and respond to local challenges due to their proximity to marginalised and crisis susceptible communities.

Rural communities in Zimbabwe, for instance, have unique dynamics rooted in historical, social and environmental contexts. Localization ensures that local knowledge is not sidelined but central to planning and execution.

An understanding of the true meaning of the localization discourse, its ambitions and possible benefits to the sector is critical to counter any misconceptions and counterfeit approaches designed to derail the major objective of localization, which a true shift in power and influence to local actors.

The Grand Bargain

The Grand Bargain, launched in 2016 at the World Humanitarian Summit, is an agreement between some of the world’s largest donors and humanitarian organizations aimed at reforming the humanitarian sector.

One of its key commitments is to provide 25% of international humanitarian funding directly to local and national responders by 2020, yet, “only about 0.2% of the global philanthropy, estimated at a staggering US$4 billion is received by African nonprofits directly.”

In Zimbabwe, this commitment has shown varying levels of success. While funding still predominantly flows through international NGOs, there has been an increase in partnerships that focus on strengthening the capacity of local actors to ensure sustainability of their work and institutions.

Several international organizations working in the country, including Trócaire, now have active localization strategies aimed at ensuring effective capacity-strengthening initiatives, some flexible funding models, equitable partnership processes and other ways of amplifying local partner’s voice and influence.

However, challenges remain. One of the barriers to achieving true localization in Zimbabwe is the regulatory environment. Local NGOs often struggle with bureaucratic hurdles, corruption, fraud and limited access to larger funding streams.

Despite these challenges, there have been significant strides made by some partners in securing direct funding for Zimbabwean organizations, reflecting the spirit of the Grand Bargain. Lessons about these successes need to be documented and shared across the board to provide co and shared learning between INGOs and local and national NGOs in Zimbabwe.

Charter for Change

The Charter for Change (C4C), signed by various international organizations and endorsed by local NGOs, aims to implement specific changes that further promote localization. It emphasizes the importance of capacity building, fair partnerships, and shifting power dynamics to local actors.

One of the critical elements of the Charter for Change is the commitment by international actors to work in equitable partnerships with local organizations, moving beyond the donor-recipient relationship.

This is particularly relevant in Zimbabwe, where local organizations often express frustration over unequal partnerships that leave them with limited decision-making power.

The Charter for Change also pushes for the recognition of local actors’ contributions, ensuring they are not simply sub-contractors of international organizations but leaders.

In Zimbabwe, while several organisations have signed up to the Charter for Change, there is currently no working group on localisation, a platform that could be used to help advance the localization agenda particularly on issues of tracking their progress in fulfilling commitments made under various localization frameworks accountability and progress tracking.

Zimbabwe’s Localization Journey

Key Successes include capacity building where international organizations like Trócaire have prioritized the development of local partners by enhancing skills in project management, financial management and technical areas like climate resilience and sustainable agriculture.

In this way, local actors are being prepared to lead interventions for long-term sustainability, especially in areas of food production and women’s empowerment.

Some initiatives, particularly those focused on rural development, have successfully shifted from international to local leadership.

For example, community-based organizations in regions such as Matabeleland and Manicaland have taken the lead in water resource management and sustainable farming practices.

While the Grand Bargain’s 25% funding target remains unmet, there are promising trends. For instance, the Zimbabwe Resilience Building Fund has increased local access to funds for disaster risk reduction and food security projects, marking a significant win for the localization agenda.

Additionally, agencies like Trocaire have enacted Indirect Cost Recovery Policies, that allows a fixed portion of budgets to be made unrestricted, allowing local actors to be flexible in utilising these funds.

Challenges to Localization:

1. Regulatory environment: Zimbabwe’s complex and restrictive legal framework around civil society organizations can hamper progress toward localization. INGOs, local and NGOs are required to navigate an intricate web of bureaucracy, which often slows down project implementation and reduces access to direct funding.
2. Funding Flows: A significant portion of funding for Zimbabwean programs still goes through international actors, limiting the extent to which local organizations can fully control resources. While international actors may retain fiscal responsibility due to donor preferences, this undermines the Grand Bargain’s goal of direct local funding.
3. Capacity Gaps: Despite efforts to build local capacity, some local actors still struggle with technical capacity, particularly in monitoring and evaluation, reporting and financial management. This can limit their ability to secure direct funding or maintain donor relationships, perpetuating reliance on international intermediaries.
4. Misconceptions on what true localization entails: Various donor agencies have formulated their own varying philosophies of localization, and some have been seen to be in parallel to the original objective of localization which is a true shift of power to local actors.

Way Forward for Localization in Zimbabwe

Localization in Zimbabwe holds great promise, especially for rural development or humanitarian interventions.

While there have been successes under frameworks like the Grand Bargain and the Charter for Change, more needs to be done to truly localize aid and development.

Through empowering local actors, reducing dependency on international intermediaries and addressing the barriers that local organizations face, the humanitarian and development sector in Zimbabwe can become more sustainable, effective and responsive to the needs of its people.

Tatenda Razawu is an accomplished  Organizational Development expert who collaborates with not-for-profit organizations in Zimbabwe and across the region, helping them strengthen their systems for sustainable impact. Driven by a deep passion for localization, he actively leads platforms and initiatives that champion a genuine shift to local actors, ensuring they have capacity and authority to drive lasting change. 

Tafadzwa Munyaka is a nonprofit/social change professional with crosscutting expertise in fundraising, business development, grants and compliance management, program management, and child rights advocacy. He is committed to contributing to the African narrative on philanthropy and giving, driving impactful change across the continent.