By Cecilia Russell
BAKU , Nov 22 2024 – The drive home is uneventful. Our Bolt driver is a careful driver—the bright, half-moon provides a delightful end to an evening of song and good food. Our last night as an IPS team at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan.

A short friendly spat over who will hold the ample leftovers is settled, and my phone slips off my lap and onto the floor. Forgotten.

About an hour later, back in the room, I look for it. My backpack gets pulled apart; jacket pockets checked, rechecked, rechecked again. It’s simply gone.

“Call 112,” my colleague Umar Manzoor Shah WhatsApps me. I know he is still awake as he has to write a story for the next day, and we persuaded him to abandon his post and join us for dinner. The WhatsApp web is still working on my computer. “Call from the landline in your room.”

Searching for the missing phone online.

I do, then when I realize that I have called emergency services. I tell the very kind woman on the line that my phone is lost—it isn’t an emergency, just a lost phone.

“We can help you,” she insists, and a few minutes later (and at this time very close to midnight), there is knocking on my door. I do what I would consider unthinkable in South Africa and open it to find three smiling young men there.

I explain about the phone—explain it could be on the Bolt or in the shuttle from The Grand to the Polo Residences. What it looks like, my name, my number, all the possible details.

All the time I feel slightly embarrassed because it’s a phone, not a real emergency, and the only loss really is that it will be inconvenient, and I would have lost the lovely video of the incredible singer from Kasa Masa where we had dined with my colleagues crooning to the theme song from Titanic. Video only uploads on wi-fi.

The group of men leaves with promises that tomorrow I will have my phone. I am impressed at their concern, but mostly I find it incredible the interest shown in this lost phone, something seldom seen back home.

I made tea, opened my computer, and decided to try to trace my phone. iPhones are easy to trace, so I check online for the ‘how’, check into ‘find my devices’, and voilà—there is the last trace of it at The Grand.

I call emergency services again to say I have found it, and a few minutes later my three young men reappear.

We check its location again, and it’s moving back to town, this time in the Bolt. We ping it online, as it makes a loud noise. Somebody answers—they phone him on my phone. They video call him—he shows me my phone—and I identify it by its colorful flowery cover.

The men laugh and joke—they will be back in half an hour with my phone. It arrives, they do. And so it’s recovered.

Nobody is more surprised than me—this service is a real bolt from the blue. Not expecting another, but life may surprise me, until the next blue moon in 2037.

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 22 2024 – On November 21, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as the former defense minister Yoav Gallant. In a statement released by the ICC, both Netanyahu and Gallant are wanted for crimes against humanity and war crimes that spanned from at earliest October 8 2023 through May 20 2024. This coincides with Israel’s respective wars with Lebanon and Palestine, for which there have been extensive damage on civilian infrastructure, thousands of civilian casualties, and repeated blockages of humanitarian aid.

The chamber of the ICC believes that there are reasonable grounds to prove that both Netanyahu and Gallant deliberately cut off access to “objects indispensable for survival” for millions of people residing in the Gaza Strip. These objects include food, water, medicine, medical supplies, fuel, and electricity. Netanyahu and Gallant’s other offenses detailed in the report include directing attacks against civilian populations and murder.

On November 21, Israel appealed the arrest warrants, citing that the ICC has no jurisdiction over Israel as it is not a member state. The appeal was subsequently rejected by the ICC due to Palestine being under valid territorial jurisdiction.

Netanyahu’s office responded to the arrest warrant in a social media post shared to X (formerly Twitter). He described the arrest warrants as “anti-Semitic” and a “modern Dreyfus trial”. The office also accused the ICC of being a “biased and discriminatory” organization.

“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will not give in to pressure. He will continue to pursue all the objectives that Israel set out to achieve in its just war against Hamas and the Iranian axis of terror,” the statement adds.

Israeli President Isaac Herzog shared a statement to X, in which he opined that the arrest warrants turn the notion of international justice into a “universal laughingstock”, adding that Israel has a right to defend itself and has always acted in accordance with international humanitarian law. Herzog went on to say that the ICC has chosen to side with “an Iranian empire of evil that seeks to destabilize our region and the world, and destroy the very institutions of the free world.”

Gallant also responded to this news, remarking that “the decision sets a dangerous precedent against the right to self-defense and moral warfare and encourages murderous terrorism”.

Hamas has supported the ICC’s actions and urged them to look into offenses committed by other Israeli officials. “[It’s] an important step towards justice and can lead to redress for the victims in general, but it remains limited and symbolic if it is not supported by all means by all countries around the world,” said Hamas political bureau member Basem Naim.

This marks the first time in history that the ICC has issued arrest warrants for a major ally to the United States, and the first time one was issued for the leader of a democratic country. The U.S. is also not a member of the ICC and does not officially recognize its authority.

Back in May, the Biden administration denounced the ICC’s investigation of Israel, describing the application for the warrants as “outrageous”. President Joe Biden has said that the United States will “always stand with Israel against threats to its security”.

During his first term, president-elect Donald Trump previously sanctioned ICC efforts. On November 17, incoming Senate Majority Leader John Thune expressed interest in issuing sanctions on the ICC and its prosecutor if they do not “reverse their outrageous and unlawful actions to pursue arrest warrants against Israeli officials.” Thune added that the Senate is committed to continuing their support of Israel.

Although the Biden administration has not reacted to the arrest warrants as of yet, high ranking members of Congress have expressed intent to issue sanctions on the ICC. U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham described the ICC’s warrants as a “dangerous joke” and urged the rest of the Senate and President Biden to pass a sanction in a statement shared to X.

Various member states of the ICC have expressed their satisfaction with the arrest warrants. Ireland’s Prime Minister Simon Harris described the warrants as an “extremely important step” in achieving justice for violations of international humanitarian law, adding that all countries must respect the ICC’s “ independence and impartiality, with no attempts made to undermine the court.”

A spokesperson for the French Foreign Ministry stated that France’s reaction will be in line with ICC statutes, adding that “the fight against impunity is our priority.” Josep Borrell, foreign policy chief for the European Union has also expressed support for the ICC’s actions, stating that the court was not politically motivated.

The Netherlands’s Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp has confirmed that the Netherlands will support the ICC’s statutes, will limit any “non-essential contact” with Israeli authorities, and is mobilized to arrest Netanyahu or Gallant if they enter Dutch territory. Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi urged for countries to abide by the ICC’s decision, adding that Palestine deserves justice after what he describes as “war crimes” were committed by Israel.

Humanitarian organizations have also supported the ICC amid backlash from Israel and the United States. “There can be no ‘safe haven’ for those alleged to have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity,” said Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnès Callamard.

“The ICC arrest warrants against senior Israeli leaders and a Hamas official break through the perception that certain individuals are beyond the reach of the law. These warrants should finally push the international community to address atrocities and secure justice for all victims in Palestine and Israel,” said Balkees Jarrah, associate international justice director at Human Rights Watch.

It is important to note that the arrest warrants issued by the ICC are purely indictments, rather than rulings. A trial must be conducted and sufficient evidence must be provided to prove that Netanyahu and Gallant deliberately violated international humanitarian law.

Political analyst and professor of human rights law at Queen Mary University of London Neve Gordon spoke to reporters shortly after news of the arrest warrants broke. “I think the intention of using food as a weapon is clear by the statements of Israeli leaders and the practices of the Israeli military, and I think this will be easy to prove,” he said.

Gordon added that the intensive aerial campaign employed by Israel as well as attacks on hospitals, ambulances, aid personnel, and healthcare workers will help build the case against Israel.

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By Aishwarya Bajpai
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 – The Green Climate Fund (GCF) negotiations brought attention to the progress, challenges, and future strategies for enhancing its effectiveness in fostering a just and sustainable energy transition.

The draft negotiations acknowledged significant milestones achieved by the GCF.

With a total approved funding of USD 15.9 billion across 286 projects in 133 developing countries, the GCF continues to be a critical source of adaptation and mitigation financing.

Efforts to boost inclusivity have led to 139 entities being accredited, 89 of which are direct access entities. This demonstrates the GCF’s commitment to ensuring that resources are accessible to nations and organizations that need them most.

Additionally, the approval of 115 grants for readiness support, including national adaptation plans, underscores the Fund’s focus on bolstering countries’ capacity to plan and implement climate-resilient policies. These developments reflect the growing momentum to scale up finance for climate action.

One of the notable highlights of the draft negotiations was the emphasis on mobilizing private sector investments.

The GCF’s 2023 portfolio commitments saw a USD 2.1 billion growth, including USD 917.4 million allocated to 10 new private sector projects. These efforts have expanded the private sector portfolio to USD 5 billion, which has mobilized an additional USD 17.5 billion.

Innovative financial instruments, such as private equity, have proven effective in leveraging funds. For instance, every dollar invested by the GCF in certain mitigation sectors is expected to mobilize six times the committed capital.

Such strategies are pivotal in bridging the financing gap for developing countries, enabling them to transition to low-carbon pathways.

The negotiations also highlighted the need to ensure a geographically balanced distribution of GCF resources. Exploring regional presence in all developing country regions was a key recommendation.

This approach aims to enhance accessibility and foster stronger regional partnerships, particularly in underserved areas.

Furthermore, the Indigenous Peoples Advisory Group has played an instrumental role in enhancing engagement with Indigenous communities, ensuring their inclusion in GCF operations.

The Fund is also committed to supporting adaptation initiatives, with a focus on implementing national adaptation plans in alignment with its Strategic Plan for 2024–2027.

Despite the progress, challenges remain in streamlining access to funds and ensuring timely disbursements. The negotiations called for measures such as clear project approval timelines, transparent guidelines, and tailored support for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs).

Simplifying funding mechanisms and addressing capacity gaps are essential to make climate finance more equitable and impactful.

Another critical focus area was enhancing gender responsiveness. The draft emphasized updating the GCF’s Gender Action Plan and aligning it with the UNFCCC’s broader gender framework. Incorporating Indigenous knowledge and respecting their rights were also highlighted as priorities for the Fund’s decision-making processes.

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By Joyce Chimbi
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 – COP29 delegates have elaborated on how Africa’s dependency on agriculture is becoming increasingly untenable amidst alarming levels of global warming, wrecking havoc on the sector. Coastal communities, pastoralists, and those in the drylands are in the thick of the climate chaos.

Options for sustainable livelihoods have shrunk. The search for greener pastures is such that nearly 1.2 million people will move beyond national boundaries in the African continent by 2050 due to climate change, and more than half of climate-related migrants in 2050 will come from Africa.

As negotiations for an acceptable new collective quantified goal on climate finance intensify, some observers, such as Hurbert Thomas, a Burkina Faso immigrant living in France, told IPS that the need to meet glaring climate adaptation gaps is “pushing for innovative solutions such as migrant remittances into the continent. When migrants support their families with cash, food, and other commodities, and even in relocation to less climate-risk areas, this helps move the climate agenda in the right direction.”

“COP29 side events have included the issue of early warning signs and how the impact of predicted climate events can be reduced or even avoided. But people in high-climate-risk areas cannot move even when cautioned to if they do not have resources. I have contributed to such planned relocations back home. Remittances help address poverty and hunger, and now they are pushing forward the climate agenda.”

Thomas is talking about how migrant remittances directly fund climate action, especially in meeting the funding gap for climate adaptation. Research shows that the global population of African migrants is more than 40.4 million and that 200 million family members rely on remittances. The money builds resilience and funds climate adaptation while addressing poverty and hunger for sustainable growth and development.

Further showing that remittance flows to Africa “reached nearly USD 100 billion in 2022, accounting for almost 6 percent of Africa’s gross domestic product. They exceeded official development assistance of USD3.5 billion and foreign direct investment of USD52 billion. Intra-African remittances were USD 19.4 billion.”

The World Bank shows that remittances to sub-Saharan Africa are rising even during the global challenges, increasing by 16.1 percent in 2021, 6.1 percent in 2022, 1.3 percent in 2023, and 3.7 percent in 2024. Delegates say that direct remittances reach the most vulnerable people and communities in high-risk areas in a more effective and efficient way compared to public expenditure.

“Public expenditure is up there and affected communities are down here, and there are many processes and bureaucracies in between. In between migrant remittances and local communities is only distance. Technology has now provided an avenue to instantly send money, including the revolutionary mobile money transfer,” he says.

“In seconds, you can move money across national borders and continents from the comfort of your seat to a person or families in local communities distressed by climate change or to even build their resilience by diversifying livelihoods. This is why direct remittances are much more efficient to move, and they reach the intended amount and value.”

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By Sanam Naraghi Anderlini
LONDON, Nov 22 2024 – In 1960, the Rafael Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic assassinated the Mirabal sisters— renowned and respected for their courage and activism against dictatorship. To give their senseless violent death some meaning and to preserve their legacy, in 1999, the United Nations inaugurated November 25—the day of their assassination—as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW).

When talk of violence against women (VAW) was still taboo in polite and political circles, the UN’s stance was powerful. It put a spotlight on a pervasive pandemic of violence evident across continents and cultures that caused devastation in the lives of millions and replicated itself across generations.

The assumption was that raising public awareness and creating a political platform—a global one, no less—would prompt attention, concern, action, and genuine political will to address and eliminate this preventable form of harm and trauma.

Unfulfilled Promise of Global Initiatives

In the subsequent years, other high-profile, largely performative, initiatives followed. UN events became annual feel-good rituals, sidelining seasoned women’s rights advocates in favor of celebrity-driven initiatives.

UN Women’s campaigns, such as actress Nicole Kidman’s “Say No-UNiTE to End Violence Against Women,” featuring stern Wonder Woman-inspired imagery on reusable bottles, raised funds but did little to reach perpetrators of violence. Emma Watson’s HeforShe seemed to admonish women for excluding men—despite decades of efforts to engage men in tackling violence.

Iceland even hosted an all-male “barbershop” conference to address equality, with limited impact. Similarly, UK Foreign Secretary William Hague garnered attention with grand declarations about ending wartime rape through the UK-led Prevention of Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI), backed by long-time activist and actress Angelina Jolie.

But his premise that sexual violence in war would be prevented if cases were documented and perpetrators faced the future prospect of criminal justice, missed fundamental facts – including that to stop war-time rape, more focus and resources should be put on preventing wars.

Meanwhile, the top-down international attention barely made a dent in addressing the problem where it resided worldwide: in communities and homes, and increasingly online—especially in times of crisis and conflict. In large part, the lack of impact of these high-level initiatives was their failure to reach the right audiences with the right messages through trusted messengers.

Relying on Hollywood actresses to inspire largely women’s audiences to unite against violence may be necessary for motivating women, but it is not sufficient. When the perpetrators of violence are overwhelmingly male, strategies, messaging, policies, and programs must also be directed at men.

Implicitly acknowledging that world leaders did not care about the social and human cost of violence against women, the World Bank took a different tack: following the money. In 2014, the Bank reported that violence against women cost countries up to 3.4% of their GDP.¹ In some countries, this was more than double their investments in education.

Implying that we should care about violence against women because it affects our bottom line is certainly a mercenary approach, but even this stark calculation failed to prompt a change in policies, practices, or prioritization of the elimination of violence against women (EVAW) as a socio-economic and security concern.

Countless diplomats, activists and bureaucrats have shaped new policies and resolutions at national and international levels. A transnational bureaucracy has grown around the agenda and EVAW has gone global with the “16 Days of Activism” campaign. Yet, 25 years later, the outlook remains grim.

We know that in Gaza women endure caesareans without anesthesia because of the Israeli blockade on food, water, electricity, and medication—but nothing is being done to prevent it. We know that in Sudan, women and girls face extreme sexual violence and rape, yet nothing is being done to prevent this violence or provide protection and care for survivors.

We saw how the COVID-19 pandemic prompted a spike of some 40% in domestic violence across the world—and yet, nothing is being done to acknowledge or deal with the issues systemically. Year after year, femicide persists. Between March 2023-2024, in the UK alone, 100 women were killed by men.

Multifaceted Solutions

Breaking the silence on violence against women through awareness-raising campaigns has certainly drawn attention to the issue. We now have increased reporting, with better data on the forms of violence and the victims and survivors. We have an increased trickle of funding for programming and, perhaps most importantly, we have clear evidence of what works. It is not surprising that the solutions are multifaceted.

Laws and policies matter. In France, as the Gisele Pelicot case reveals, the legal definition of rape matters. Similarly, changing institutional cultures matters, especially in male-dominated law enforcement. In the U.S., a 2020 study found that one in four women will experience sexual assault in their lifetime, but fewer than 5% of survivors report the assaults to law enforcement.

In the U.S., police code 20% of reported cases as “unfounded,” based on the reporting officers’ perceptions of the woman reporting the incident. The 2020 report notes that “dismissing sexual violence has become common practice amongst the police.”² Training and changing police practices is therefore essential to bring perpetrators to justice and increase women’s trust in the service.

Globally, grassroots initiatives prove that impactful change begins with local security personnel and community leaders. At the International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), we have supported many of our partners in the Women’s Alliance for Security Leadership (WASL) in their efforts.

In Sri Lanka, the Association of War Affected Women (AWAW) successfully advocated for deploying female police officers to rural areas, trained male and female police officers on international laws such as UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and encouraged them to develop culturally effective approaches to addressing VAW.

In a Syrian refugee community in Turkey, our partner Kareemat has led interventions to stop child marriages that often take place because they are “one less mouth to feed.” Since fathers are making these decisions, raising awareness of the risks to their daughters and offering livelihood alternatives is essential.

To ensure the message resonates, Kareemat engaged trusted male religious leaders to emphasize that child marriage contradicts Islamic values and harms young girls. They also advocate for continued education and provide skills training, supporting girls to have their own livelihoods.

“We have observed a positive shift among many beneficiaries, especially men…agreeing on the importance of waiting until a girl reaches the age of eighteen before marriage,” says Kareemat Founder, Najla Sheikh. “These men also advocated for preparing young women by equipping them with a profession that enables them to support themselves…The beneficiaries expressed a desire to see girls achieve financial independence and be able to protect themselves in a safe environment like Kareemat.”³

Efforts to engage men in communities has expanded over the years. But as UK-based investigative journalist Sonia Sodha wrote in 2022,⁴ when it comes to the seriously violent, awareness and education is just not enough; reflecting on the differences between and within men is also essential.

Sodha highlights the UK-based project, Drive, which “has shed once and for all the feminist attachment to the idea that the key to reducing serious violence is teaching men to be better.” The project works with high-risk domestic abusers, assigning them case managers to provide support with jobs, mental health, and housing, while also serving as early warning conduits to involve police and social services when necessary to disrupt violence.

The results are astounding with an 82% and 88% drop in physical and sexual abuse respectively. Yet, access remains severely limited, with only 1% of serious abusers receiving such intervention.⁵

Meanwhile, a consistent factor in men’s violence is their own exposure to violence as children. Childhood abuse is a leading precursor of adult violence, yet in rich and poorer countries, programs to protect children are being slashed. As the wars in Gaza and Yemen show, children are increasingly the key targets of violent conflict.

Violence Against Women Amidst War and Displacement

With 56 wars raging and over 120 million people displaced by conflict, violence against women is on the rise, in increasingly complex forms. Ukraine is a case in point. Ukrainian men have become soldiers at the frontlines fighting Russian forces to protect their families and homeland.

But too often, on leave, they mete out their own trauma against their wives and children. It is wretchedly heartbreaking, yet universal in contexts of crisis and conflict.⁶ Simultaneously, displacement and economic hardship forces more women into sex work, trafficking, and other situations that heighten their vulnerability. Political dealmaking, such as the U.S.-Taliban agreement, has fueled multi-generational violence against women and children.

Over half a century since the Mirabals’ assassination, as a global community, we are certainly more aware of the horrors of violence against women. But it is still women who are picking up the pieces.

Our support networks are critical, says South African activist Bernedette Muthein, recalling “the street groups that intervene during domestic violence” and the women-led organizations that provide advice, support, and exit plans that “include stashing identity documents, clothes and money.”

Shelters and women-only spaces also remain essential for victims. But in Liberia, says peacebuilder Cerue Garlo “such issues are still not seen as national issues. The public expects women to handle them as ‘women’s issues’,” a sentiment that resonates around the world.

Time to Break the Cycle

On November 25, 2024, as the UN commemorates the 25th anniversary of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, perhaps it is worth stating it explicitly: violence against women is not just a women’s issue. It is a societal, economic, and security issue. Given the vast majority of perpetrators are men, it is also very clearly a men’s issue.

At a minimum, it is time to shift the shame and fear that women have harbored for so long, onto the men who perpetuate the violence. Too often, when such calls are made, social media platforms are flooded with #NotAllMen. Of course, not all men are implicated in VAW—and this is precisely the point. It is time for the good men—those who are indignant about and abhor such violence—to stand up, speak out, and join women to take on the challenge of ending this pandemic.

It is also time to dedicate more funding and channel resources directly to the women’s organizations working to tackle the roots, symptoms, causes, and effects of such violence.

The good news is that when the most serious abusers in the UK can be stopped, and destitute Syrian fathers can be convinced to protect their daughters, we know that violence against women is not inevitable. We just need to muster up the political will, social courage, and economic resources. Let’s not wait another 25 years to make the promise of ending violence against women a reality.

¹ https://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2023/08/25/tackling-gender-based-violence-development-imperative
² https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9136376/
³ Personal correspondence
⁴ https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/mar/06/male-violence-against-women-much-more-than-toxic-masculinity
⁵ Ibid
⁶ https://gppi.net/media/Kotliuk_2024_Hidden-Front-of-Russias-War_ENG.pdf

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, MBE, is Founder/CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)

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