By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Feb 7 2025 – Alexander Lukashenko will soon begin his seventh term as president of Belarus. The official result of the 26 January election gave him 86.8 per cent of the vote, following an election held in a climate of fear. Only token opposition candidates were allowed, most of who came out in support of Lukashenko. Anyone who might have offered a credible challenge is in jail or in exile.

No repeat of 2020

In office since 1994 as the so far only president of independent Belarus, Lukashenko is by far Europe’s longest-serving head of state. The 1994 vote that brought the former Soviet official to power was the country’s only legitimate election. Each since has been designed to favour Lukashenko.

He only faced a serious threat in 2020, when an outsider candidate, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, was able to run a campaign that captured the popular imagination. Lukashenko’s response was to arrest opponents, repress protests, restrict the internet, deny access for electoral observers and then blatantly steal the election.

When people took to the street in mass protests against electoral fraud, Belarus seemed on the brink of a democratic revolution. But Lukashenko’s government launched a brutal defence, using security forces to violently attack protesters and arresting over a thousand people. It dissolved opposition political parties and raided and shut down civil society organisations: over a thousand have been forcibly liquidated since 2020.

Lukashenko’s regime has gone after those in exile, kidnapping and allegedly killing Belarusians abroad. Belarus is among the 10 states most engaged in transnational repression. They authorities have also deprived the estimated 300,000 people who’ve fled since 2020 of their ability to vote.

By embracing repression, Lukashenko made a choice to abandon his policy of balancing between the European Union (EU) and Russia. When the EU imposed sanctions in response to the 2020 election fraud, Russia offered a package of loans. In 2022, when Russia launched its full-scale assault on Ukraine, some of its forces entered Ukraine from Belarus.

Shortly after Russia began its full-scale invasion, a constitutional referendum held in Belarus, marked by the same lack of democracy as its elections, formally ended the country’s neutrality and non-nuclear status. In December 2024, the two states signed a security treaty allowing the use of Russian nuclear weapons in the event of aggression against Belarus, and Lukashenko confirmed that the country hosts dozens of Russian nuclear warheads.

Belarus has also been accused of instrumentalising migrants to try to destabilise neighbouring countries. In 2021, it relaxed its visa rules for people from Middle Eastern and North African countries and encouraged flights to Belarus. Thousands were taken to the borders with Lithuania and Poland and left to try to cross them in desperate conditions, freezing and without essentials, subjected to security force violence on both sides. Migrants were unwitting pawns in Lukashenko’s game to strike back at his neighbours. Attempted crossings and human rights violations have continued since.

Renewed crackdown

Just to be on the safe side, Lukashenko launched another crackdown in the months leading up to the election. The intent was clearly to ensure there’d be no repeat of the expression of opposition and protests of 2020.

Starting in July 2024, Lukashenko pardoned around 250 political prisoners, releasing them from jail. His likely aim was to soften international criticism in the run-up to the vote. But these weren’t the high-profile prisoners serving long sentences, such as Nobel Peace Prize winner Ales Bialiatski, a founder of the Viasna Human Rights Centre, who received a 10-year sentence in 2023, or protest leader Maria Kolesnikova, sentenced to 11 years in 2021. Those pardoned had to publicly acknowledge their guilt and repent.

The freed jail spaces were quickly filled, with over a hundred friends and relatives of political prisoners detained. In February 2024, authorities detained at least 12 lawyers who’d defended political prisoners. In December, they arrested seven independent journalists. Belarus has the world’s fourth highest number of jailed journalists.

People have been jailed merely for following Telegram channels deemed ‘extremist’ or making social media comments. Over 1,700 people reportedly faced charges for political activities in 2024. Prison conditions are harsh. People may be forced to do hard labour, kept in solitary confinement, sent to freezing punishment cells, denied access to their families and have medical care withheld.

On election day, Lukashenko’s dictatorial style was on full display. He held a press conference where he promised to ‘deal with’ opposition activists in exile and said they were endangering their families in Belarus, adding that some opponents ‘chose’ to go to prison. He also didn’t rule out the prospect of running for an eighth term in 2030.

Time for change

Lukashenko promises more of the same: continuing autocracy and closed civic space. For generations of Belarusians who’ve known nothing but his rule, and with opposition voices so ruthlessly suppressed, it may be hard to imagine anything else. The possibilities opened up in 2020 have been ruthlessly shut down.

But the wheels of history will keep turning, and the 70-year-old dictator won’t last forever. Some kind of cessation of hostilities in Ukraine may well come this year, forcing Lukashenko to make friends beyond Vladimir Putin. If Russia winds down its booming war economy, the ensuing economic shock in Belarus, which largely depends on Russia, could trigger public anger.

Meanwhile, potentially increased scrutiny could come from the International Criminal Court: in September 2024, the government of Lithuania requested an investigation into crimes against humanity allegedly committed by Belarusian authorities. If this move gains momentum, Lukashenko could find himself in an uncomfortable spotlight. States could also intensify sanctions: Canada and the UK have done so following the election.

If Belarus attempts to reengage with them, democratic states should insist that no thaw in relations is possible without tangible human rights progress . This should start with the release of all political prisoners, guarantees for the safety of exiled activists and a reversal of attacks on civic space.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 7 2025 – Over the past few years, climate shocks have become more frequent and have devastated economies and agriculture systems, exacerbating widespread malnutrition and hunger. It has become increasingly apparent that the utilization of sustainable agriculture practices and disaster risk management systems are crucial to fulfill growing needs as natural resources continue to dwindle.

The Paris Agreement, an international treaty which seeks to limit average global temperatures to 2°C, was adopted by the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP21) in 2015. A new analysis conducted by climatologist Professor James Hansen states that due to the rapidly accelerating nature of the climate crisis, previous climate goals are now considered impossible to achieve.

“The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC) defined a scenario which gives a 50% chance to keep warming under 2°C – that scenario is now impossible. The 2C target is dead, because the global energy use is rising, and it will continue to rise,” said Hansen. He adds that global temperatures are likely to reach 2°C by 2045. It is estimated that this will trigger a rise in sea levels by several meters, the melting of polar caps, and irreversible damage to critical ecosystems around the world.

On January 28, the World Food Programme (WFP) released an update to their climate change policies detailing the urgency of effective climate action as it relates to worldwide food production. This release expands upon the 2017 version, underscoring the international setbacks that have contributed to the worsening climate crisis.

WFP’s policy update states that these changes will exacerbate the hunger crisis for the most food-insecure populations. Climate-induced disasters, such as heat waves and tropical storms will disproportionately affect women, children, displaced persons, and people with disabilities. It is estimated that rising global temperatures will cause approximately 12.5 million girls to drop out of school, which significantly undermines their capability to cope with food insecurity and malnutrition in their communities.

On January 27, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released a report titled, Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Overview of Food Security and Nutrition 2024, highlighting the wide scale devastation that the climate crisis had brought upon people in rural communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. Of the countries studied in this analysis, 20 reported facing a high frequency of natural disasters and 14 were considered highly vulnerable to malnutrition and food insecurity. In 2023, it is estimated that climate-induced disasters drove roughly 72 million people into emergency levels of hunger.

“Climate shocks are making it increasingly difficult for families across Latin America and the Caribbean to produce, transport, and access food. Frequent storms and floods are destroying homes and farmland, while drought and erratic rainfall are wiping out crops before they can grow,” said Lola Castro, WFP’s Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean.

In 2024, the El Niño weather phenomenon triggered extensive heat waves and droughts across Argentina, Mexico, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, causing an increase in the prices of corn, which is a staple crop. Additionally, heavy rainfall in Ecuador caused a 32 to 54 percent increase in wholesale prices of corn, making food inaccessible for numerous communities.

“In more rural areas they don’t have a lot of resources to be able to weather a poor harvest. You don’t generate as much income. There’s not as much nutritious food around, so they sell what they can, and then they purchase the cheapest thing that’ll fill them up,” said Ivy Blackmore, a researcher with the University of Missouri who analyzed nutrition and agriculture among rural communities in Ecuador.

As extreme weather makes healthier food options inaccessible, communities in climate-sensitive areas have gravitated towards cheaper, unhealthier food sources. This is particularly apparent in Latin America, where the cost of a healthy diet is the highest in the world. As a result, child and adult obesity has risen significantly since 2000 in these areas.

“Overweight and obesity are growing challenges in the region and key risk factors for non-communicable diseases. A healthy diet is the foundation for health, well-being, and optimal growth and development,” said Jarbas Barbosa, Director of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO).

According to FAO’s studies, in the Caribbean approximately 50 percent of the population, or 22.2 million people, were unable to afford a healthy and balanced diet.

In Mesoamerica, roughly 26.3 percent were unable to meet their nutrition needs. South America has the highest numbers, with 113.6 million people unable to afford proper nutrition.

WFP’s report concludes that there must be immediate climate change adaptation on a governmental level. WFP is currently working with smallholder farmers and distributors to incorporate more resource-efficient technologies for food production in an effort to cut down on greenhouse gas emissions and prevent excessive wastage. Additionally, they are working with women and young people, who have been historically excluded from jobs in marketing and technology, to support socio-economic growth in these communities.

WFP is aiming to increase government funding for food-security measures, sustainable technologies, and risk management systems. Through the Green Climate Fund and Adaptation Fund and other government-financed investments, WFP seeks to facilitate agriculture practices with a smaller carbon footprint and help the most disaster-vulnerable communities prepare for and face losses from extreme-weather phenomenon.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Feb 7 2025 – Even after Trump declared that he wanted to take back the Panama Canal, acquire Greenland by force, if necessary, and rename the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America, I could not, like many others, imagine that his madness could reach a new unfathomable height.

At his news conference on February 4, with Prime Minister Netanyahu standing beside him, sporting a sinister grin, Trump announced that the US would take over Gaza, ship the Palestinians like sheep to Jordan and Egypt, build such a mesmerizing Riviera along the Mediterranean Sea and, voilà, bring peace and prosperity to the whole region. ‘What a wonderful and visionary plan that nobody could have possibly conceived but him.’

Of course, his bluster is short of any details. A display of bravado and raw exercise of power is what he wants to project, and to hell with the ramifications of his brazen plan that would set the region on fire, the likes of which is hard to envisage. Though no sensible person believes that Trump can effectuate such a perilous undertaking, mentioning it alone sent shivers down the spine of every Palestinian.

The message to them is simple: forget about the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. This land is the ancestral land of the Jewish people and it must be restored to its rightful owners. Oh, you Palestinians, be prepared now for the second Nakba (catastrophe), but this time, do not worry; the exodus will be well organized; you will settle in Jordan and Egypt and live happily ever after.

What Trump does not grasp, which is no surprise, is that even though much of Gaza lies in ruin, and it will take years and billions to rebuild, this is their land. They can rebuild their homes, restore the infrastructure, tend to their farms, and restructure their businesses, but they cannot replace their land.

Their attachment is to the land, which they cannot relinquish, substitute, or be compensated for. This is where they belong, where their ancestors lived and died, where their cultural heritage resides, and where they still dream of having a better and brighter future and living with dignity, which even the President of the US cannot usurp with impunity. The ramifications of Trump’s brutally brazen plan for Gaza transcends any nightmare that Trump or Netanyahu can envision.

The exodus of the Palestinians would immediately and ominously destabilize the region. Jordan, in particular, will be the first to be destabilized as an influx of Palestinians would shake the foundation of the country, which is already saddled with nearly one million refugees from Syria and Iraq.

Jordan’s internal instability could potentially lead to conflict with Israel, with whom it shares a 350-kilometer-long border, and precipitate the infiltration of weapons and terrorists. This would wreak havoc on Israel and risk the peace treaty between the two countries that served as the anchor for stability.

Egypt, too, views Trump’s ‘ingenious idea’ as preposterous. Notwithstanding American aid to Egypt, President Sisi vehemently rejected Trump’s plan because it would have dire regional consequences that would not spare Egypt and potentially send Israeli-Egyptian peace asunder.

Trump and Netanyahu’s alignment in this regard is extremely treacherous. Instead of building a new structure of regional peace, Trump will plunge the region into widespread violence and wars, denying both Israelis and Palestinians a day of peace.

And rather than expanding the Abraham Accords, he could potentially unravel them, making the prospect of a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace a pipedream while giving Iran’s axis of resistance a new lease on life. To be sure, Trump’s plan is strategically incomprehensible and horrifically ominous.

It is hard to exaggerate what the impact on the Palestinians would be should Trump’s plan come to fruition. The displacement of the Palestinians will be catastrophic on many fronts, which most likely has not even crossed his mind. Uprooting more than 2.2 million Palestinians from their homeland is cruel and forbidding and will create an unprecedented humanitarian crisis.

It will bring to life the mass displacement of Palestinians in 1948, as the memory of those dark days continues to haunt the Palestinians to this day. Many current residents of Gaza are descendants of those original refugees. Moreover, it will destroy family ties, obliterate their cultural identity, and subject them to the horror of resettlement, in lands where they are unwelcome.

Palestinian radicalism will intensify, which will make the current violent conflict look like a rehearsal. Trump completely ignored Hamas, which remains a powerful force in Gaza, and will further validate its narrative that the Israelis are irredeemable foes seeking to eradicate all Palestinians and that only violent resistance is the answer to Israel’s insatiable lust for more Palestinian land.

Another generation of Palestinians will be poisoned, whose mission in life will be nothing but revenge and retribution for what has befallen their people.

For Netanyahu and his fascist government, Trump’s idea of ethnic cleansing in Gaza of all Palestinians is a dream come true. This, along with the creeping, if not outright, annexation of the West Bank, would finally realize his dream of “greater Israel” as a God-given right; Trump, the Messiah, has come to deliver what God had promised the Jews. Genesis 17:8 (NIV) states, “The whole land of Canaan [Israel], where you now reside as a foreigner, I will give as an everlasting possession to you and your descendants after you; and I will be their God.”

Everyone, especially Trump and Netanyahu, should remember this: the displacement of the Palestinians from Gaza will vanquish any prospect of a two-state solution, as no one has come up yet with any new viable idea that would end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict peacefully short of a two-state solution. The alternative is perpetual bloodshed to satisfy the corrupt Netanyahu-led government, whose thirst for Palestinian blood is insatiable.

After 77 years of Israel’s existence, Netanyahu and his gang of right-wing extremists seem to have learned nothing. Israel has every right to exist in peace and security, but it cannot build itself on the ashes of the Palestinians. The Palestinians will resist for generations if they must and will never forsake their inherent right to statehood, which is enshrined by UNSC Resolution 181, the same resolution that granted the Jews in Palestine the same right.

Trump believes that he can do whatever pleases him. One thing he will learn the hard way is that he is not the ruler of the world; he cannot take or dish out territories that do not belong to him. He has no jurisdiction; it is against international law, defies reason, and is devoid of any moral tenet.

The Palestinians have endured occupation, blockade, displacement, expulsion, and dehumanization, and suffered decades-long horrific pain and sorrow, but they have endured. They remained resilient and resolute because their thirst for freedom is absolute. No American president, including Trump, can bend their will.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.
alon@alonben-meir.com

IPS UN Bureau

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By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Feb 7 2025 – At 9 a.m. on Monday, Mariam Msemwa clutched her clinic card tightly as she stood in line at Bagamoyo District Hospital’s HIV Clinic in Tanzania’s coastal region. The 19-year-old had been here many times before, picking up monthly doses of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs that kept her alive. But today was different.When she reached the counter, the nurse flatly told her. “There’s no more free medication, ” she said. “You’ll have to buy it yourself.”

Msemwa felt the words like a punch to her chest. Buy it? With what? Her mother, a street vegetable hawker, could barely afford their next meal. The ARVs had always been free, provided under a U.S.-funded program. But now that lifeline was gone.

“I don’t know what to do,” Msemwa said. “Without this medicine, I’m going to die.”

A Lifeline Cut Off

For years, Tanzania’s fight against HIV had relied heavily on funding from the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), a U.S. initiative that had injected over USD 110 billion into fighting HIV/AIDS worldwide since 2003. The program funded everything—medication, testing, community outreach, and home-based care.

But in early 2025, with the return of Donald Trump to the White House, an executive order froze all new foreign aid spending. In a matter of days, USD 450 million in annual PEPFAR funding for Tanzania vanished, cutting off free ARVs for nearly 1.2 million Tanzanians.

Catherine Joachim, acting executive director of the Tanzania Commission for AIDS (TACAIDS), had spent weeks in frantic meetings, her phone constantly buzzing with calls from worried health officials and aid workers.

A community health worker provides counselling to a street cook in Bagamoyo before testing for HIV AIDS. Credit: Kizito Shigela/IPS

“This is a serious blow which ushers in  a complete collapse of our HIV response,” she said. “For nearly two decades, PEPFAR kept people alive. Now, they will probably suffer.”

The fallout was immediate. Clinics that once provided free ARVs had run out. Home-based care programs were shutting down. And across the country, patients were being turned away with nowhere to go.

“I had a mother come in yesterday,” said Abdallah Suleiman a treatment literacy trainer for people living with HIV in the historical town of Bagamoyo . “She was begging for just a few pills for her son, who’s been on ARVs since birth. I had nothing to give her. Nothing.”

End of Free Care

It’s nearly midday at the bustling Mbezi bus terminal in Dar es Salaam, and Helena Mkwasi is standing over a pot of boiling water, stirring maize flour into a thick, stiff ugali. Smoke curls around her as she moves quickly, balancing the demands of her small food stall with the worries that never leave her.

“I wake up early, light the fire, and rush to the market for meat, cooking oil, tomatoes—whatever I can afford that day,” she says, adjusting the colorful khanga wrapped around her waist. Business is slow, as usual. The money she makes is just enough to buy food for her two children.

But these days, money isn’t her biggest concern.

“For years, I’ve been getting my ARVs for free,” she said. “Now they’re saying that has stopped. I don’t know how I’ll survive.”

Mkwasi was diagnosed with HIV when she was 19. She doesn’t remember much from that day, only the way her heart pounded as the nurse explained viral loads and CD4 counts. She thought it was a death sentence. Then she started on antiretroviral therapy, and the medicine worked. Her health improved. She had her children safely. She built a routine—cooking ugali, serving customers, taking her pills every evening with a cup of warm water.

“Without the medicine, I’ll get sick again. I won’t be able to work,” she says, glancing at the bubbling pot. “Then what happens to my kids?”

Around her, the bus terminal hums with life. Conductors shout out destinations, men weave between traffic selling bananas and bottled water, and the air smells of grilled meat and diesel fumes. Mkwasi wipes sweat from her forehead and keeps stirring, but the weight of uncertainty lingers.

A Worsening Crisis

The numbers painted a grim picture. Without ARVs, HIV-positive individuals risk developing full-blown AIDS, making them vulnerable to deadly infections like tuberculosis and pneumonia. Health experts warned that Tanzania could see at least 30,000 additional HIV-related deaths in the next two years if the crisis wasn’t resolved.

Deogratius Rutatwa, CEO of the National Council of People Living With HIV/AIDS, sat at his desk, staring at the endless reports detailing the worsening situation. His phone, still warm from his last call, kept ringing.

“This is a disaster,” he said, rubbing his temples. “PEPFAR wasn’t just about giving out medicine—it funded education, prevention, community support. Now, everything is gone.”

His inbox was flooded with desperate messages from community organizations. What do we do now? they asked. But Rutatwa had no answers.

“I wish the people making these decisions could see what’s happening here,” he said. “They talk about budgets and policies, but on the ground, it’s about a mother walking miles to get her child tested. It’s about a teenager who just found out he’s positive and needs help, not rejection. It’s about keeping people alive.”

Live or Die

Mary Tarimo had dedicated her life to helping HIV patients stay on treatment. As a home-based care supervisor at the Bagamoyo hospital’s HIV department, she spent her days navigating the dusty streets of Dar es Salaam, checking in on patients, ensuring they orally took their medication.

Now, she was watching helplessly as people who had been stable for years began to relapse.

“There’s a woman I’ve been caring for since 2015,” Tarimo said. “She never missed a dose. But now, she’s stopped taking her medicine.”

The woman, a mother of three who made a living as a street cook, had broken down in tears just days earlier.

“She told me, ‘Mama Tarimo, I have to choose between feeding my children and buying my medicine,’” Tarimo recalled. “How do you respond to that? What kind of choice is that?”

Across the Bagamoyo town, the same tragedy was unfolding. People were showing up at hospitals with fevers, night sweats—the first signs of opportunistic infections. Some, ashamed that they could no longer afford their treatment, simply stopped coming.

“I met a man last weekend—he was diagnosed in 2010. Never missed a single appointment,” Tarimo said. “Now, he’s scared. He told me, ‘I feel like I’m back where I started.’”

She paused, shaking her head. “The worst part? We spent decades building this program, making sure people knew that HIV isn’t a death sentence if you stay on treatment. And now, just like that, we’re watching all of it fall apart.”

Searching for Solutions

Despite the bleak outlook, Joachim refused to give up.

“We are not just sitting back and watching this happen,” she said. “We’re talking to other international partners, private donors, and our own government to find alternative funding.”

The Ministry of Health had pledged to reallocate part of its budget to keep ARVs flowing, and there was hope that other donor countries might step in.

“We are looking at every possible solution,” Joachim said. “People have a right to treatment. We will do everything we can to make sure they get it.”

But experts warned that Tanzania’s national health budget simply couldn’t cover the $260 per patient per year needed for ARVs. For many, the cost—ranging between USD 15 and USD 20 per month—was almost impossible to afford.

“The reality is, without external support, we cannot bridge this gap,” Rutatwa admitted. “And that means lives will be lost.”

A Race Against Time

Back at Bagamoyo Hospital, Tatu sat on a bench, staring at the floor. She had no idea what to do next.

“I don’t want to die,” she whispered. “I just want my medicine.”

As she stood up to leave, she glanced around at the others in the waiting room—young, old, mothers with babies, men with hollow eyes. They were all waiting for something that was no longer there.

For now, Tanzania was scrambling to find a solution. But for the millions who relied on PEPFAR, time was running out.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By External Source
Feb 7 2025 – Since the Taliban regained power in Afghanistan in 2021, girls and women have been systematically banned from education, making Afghanistan the only country in the world that denies schooling to girls over the age of 12. The situation continues to deteriorate, with even primary school enrollment for girls in decline, according to UNESCO.

With female teachers barred from instructing boys, a shortage of educators has further deepened the crisis.

In this bleak landscape, online education has emerged as the only hope for an estimated 1.4 million Afghan girls over the age of 12, desperate to continue learning. Yet, this alternative is fraught with formidable obstacles.

Barriers to Online Learning

Afghanistan’s poor internet infrastructure and unstable electricity supply make remote education unreliable.

While the situation of electricity in urban centres is relatively better than in the rural areas, it still does not guarantee easy access to online learning to everyone. The amount of money needed for equipment such as computers, tablets and smartphones is beyond what most low-income Afghans families can afford.

Besides that, due to impromptu power outages in Afghanistan, online learning is problematic. Electricity can suddenly go off without prior notice and often for several hours. Frequent instances of such events make it increasingly difficult to hold online lessons and students are unable to download learning material from the internet or do their assignments.

In Afghanistan, online education courses do not have universal recognition, and no public entity provides them.

Besides the poor infrastructure, parents are afraid that the Taliban may be secretly tracking online education, and if caught, their daughters could bring substantial difficulties to the whole family.

An Afghan father who has an 18-year-old daughter expressed his despair. “My daughter has always wished to study law, he said, “in order to fight for justice for women in a country where women’s rights are routinely ignored, but now she cannot study peacefully at her own home”.

He went on to outline the typical problems, “we don’t have electricity, the internet is down, and if the Taliban find out that she is studying online, her life might be in danger, and we all will be in trouble”.

More often than not, the home environment does not allow for uninterrupted studies, especially in large families due to congestion of space.

Online learning is the only path to education for Afghan women and girls over 12. Credit: Learning Together.

A Network of Learning, Despite the Risks

Many of these online educational institutions, about 33 altogether, are available across several countries in the West and in the South Asian region, with four operating inside Afghanistan.

They provide quality education in a vast range of subject areas such as medical sciences, economics, engineering, computer science and information technology, business management, law, art, and social sciences.

Mainstream media platforms such as television, radio and newspapers are under the tight censorship of the Taliban, and therefore of little use as sources of beneficial information. But fortunately, students can conveniently turn to social media platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram and Telegram for additional supplementary information.

However, even though faced with numerous challenges in pursuing online education, it has nevertheless produced positive outcomes, which has kept hopes alive for a better future for girls who unfortunately, have been abandoned by the Taliban.

Among the individual success stories is Raihana, one of the few girls who has had the opportunity to study economics at an online university.

“Despite all the difficulties and challenges “I have experienced during this time she says, “I remain hopeful”.

According to Raihana, studying online allows her to connect with other students globally and it enables her gain different perspectives.

“I want to tell other girls never to give up, even if the conditions seem difficult”, she says.

“Adding further, “every day, I think about how I will one day return to society and help my community so that more girls have the right to education”.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons