By James E. Jennings
ATLANTA, Georgia, Jan 3 2025 – The fireplace in the State Dining Room of the White House that says, “May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.” President John Adams wrote that in a letter to his wife Abigail in 1800.

Jimmy Carter was by all accounts a wise, just, and decent man—a man of deep religious faith, who was also circumspect—some may say old fashioned—about his rhetoric.

He was refreshingly candid in using the country-boy phrase “I’ll whip his ass!” against Democratic primary opponent Sen. Edward Kennedy. Most reporters in that era considered it too harsh or nearly obscene, so instead, they wrote, “I’ll whip his donkey!”

Carter was honest. When asked by a reporter amid stories of the Kennedy brothers’ sexual indulgences, if he had ever had lust in his heart, he responded straightforwardly, “Yes.” That’s something no other politician would ever do. But it was easy for Carter to admit because he followed the Christian and Calvinist doctrine that “We are all sinners.”

Historians view his administration as a watershed in the civil rights struggle, especially in the South. As president he negotiated the first ever peace agreement between Israel and the Arabs. In his post-presidential years, he made a worldwide impact as a humanitarian.

Civic virtue must be faithful to the original concept of American nationhood—favoring citizens ahead of government. Liberty and justice are the watchwords of democracy, not blind obedience to politicians.

George Washington said, “There exists an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness.” Lincoln advised “Malice toward none…charity for all…firmness in the right.” Carter followed these sentiments at his inauguration with a pledge from the Biblical Prophet Micah: “Do justly, love mercy, walk humbly.”

There are two ways of recognizing people as honest and wise—by their words and by their deeds. Carter told the truth straight out—even if it was inconvenient or might hurt him. His policies were based on simple fairness, especially in his efforts to overcome the endemic racism of the Old South.

By contrast, President-elect Trump is famous for the lies and invective-filled slander constantly dripping from his lips: “When somebody hurts you, just go after them as viciously and as violently as you can…. When somebody screws you, screw them back in spades.” Trump’s brand, he said, means, “Power is the only true value.”

We teach our kids differently. “Be nice,” we always say. Sesame Street TV and First Grade teachers call out children for “Courtesy Lacking.” Why can’t we demand as much from our leaders?

Trump is a symptom of the ills of our society, not the cause. Today most of us tolerate curses and obscenities that would have scandalized our grandmothers. Trump is simply riding the crest of a flood of indecency that already exists among the public.

Let’s bring back civic virtue. Jimmy Carter may be the best example of personal rectitude among US leaders in our lifetimes. Let him be your model—not the empty, sleazy suit that is soon to be the next occupant of the White House.

James E. Jennings PhD is President of Conscience International.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Jan 3 2025 – As the dust settled over Kariakoo’s bustling streets, Halima Abdallah’s voice trembled through the cracks of a collapsed four-story building. “Help me, please! I don’t get air,” she gasped, trapped under the rubble. For four hours, rescue workers scrambled to locate her. Their efforts, hampered by the lack of proper equipment, relied on tools hastily borrowed from a private company. By the time they reached her, it was too late. Abdallah had died.

Moments before the building collapsed, Husna Faime, a single mother, was humming softly inside her tailoring shop, finishing a client’s order. Minutes later, her harmony shattered—literally.

“I felt the ground shaking, and before I knew it, everything was falling,” she recounted from her hospital bed a week later. Trapped under the rubble, she used the last of her phone’s battery to send her sister a haunting text: “If I don’t make it, please take care of Aisha. Tell her mom loves her.”

Local volunteers dug through the rubble with their bare hands, managing to rescue Faime hours later. Her survival was miraculous, but her ordeal exposed a grim truth: disasters—both natural and man-made—regularly strike unprepared communities in Tanzania, leaving a trail of destruction in their wake.

The Perfect Storm

Tanzania, home to over 62 million people, faces a myriad of hazards: floods, droughts, cyclones, and earthquakes. Compounding these are man-made disasters like road accidents, industrial mishaps, and collapsing buildings. For the 34 percent of Tanzanians living below the poverty line, the financial burden of recovery is overwhelming.

In Kariakoo, a bustling hub of markets and skyscrapers, a hidden danger lurks behind the concrete walls. Systemic corruption and shoddy workmanship have turned many buildings into potential death traps. Investigations reveal that dishonest developers, in collusion with corrupt officials, routinely use substandard materials to cut costs, ignoring safety regulations and bypassing inspections.

At least five major building collapses have been reported in Dar es Salaam over the last decade, claiming many lives. Kariakoo in particular has emerged as a hotspot for such tragedies. Experts warn that many other buildings in the area remain structurally unsound, putting lives at constant risk.

Lack of Preparedness

Tanzania’s vulnerability is exacerbated by poor disaster preparedness and infrastructure. Rapid urban sprawl, informal settlements, and inadequate drainage systems leave communities exposed to climate-induced disasters.

“Our cities are not built to absorb the shocks caused by natural disasters,” said Pius Yanda, a climate change adaptation specialist at the University of Dar es Salaam. Informal settlements are particularly vulnerable, with little to no infrastructure to mitigate flooding or other hazards.

Man-made disasters are equally concerning. Weak enforcement of building regulations makes building collapses tragically routine. “The warning signs are always there,” said Peter Kazimoto, a disaster risk reduction expert at the Tanzania Red Cross Society. “Developers prioritize saving money over safety, and enforcement is weak.”

Rural areas face their own struggles. In the eastern Morogoro region, floods destroyed Ahmed Selemani’s maize crop, his sole source of income. “We heard warnings on the radio, but no one came to evacuate us,” Ahmed said. “Now we have nothing.”

Institutional Gaps

Tanzania has a disaster response framework—the Tanzania Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan (TEPRP)—but its implementation remains weak. Agencies like the Disaster Management Department (DMD) operate on limited budgets, meeting only 35 percent of their funding needs in 2023.

“We have made some progress with early warning systems,” said Jim Yonazi, an official in the Prime Minister’s Office. “But we need more resources to mitigate risks effectively.”

With limited government intervention, many Tanzanians have taken matters into their own hands. In Tandale, a sprawling slum in Dar es Salaam, residents like John Mnyamasi have built rudimentary flood defenses with sandbags and canals. “We can’t wait for the government,” Mnyamasi said.

During building collapses, local volunteers are often the first responders. Kariakoo resident Emmanuel Joseph recounted rescuing 12 people trapped under rubble. “When you hear someone crying for help, you just act—even if it means risking your own life,” he said.

Pathways to Resilience

Experts emphasize the need for disaster risk reduction to protect Tanzanians. “Disaster risk reduction isn’t just about emergencies—it’s about prevention,” said James Mbatia, a former legislator and disaster risk specialist.

Investments in early warning systems, stronger infrastructure, and public awareness campaigns are critical. Neighboring Kenya, for instance, uses mobile apps to provide real-time weather updates, enabling faster evacuations. “Empowering communities with tools and knowledge can save lives,” said Mbatia.

Critics argue that Tanzania’s government must take greater responsibility for disaster management failures. “It’s like watching a fire spread while holding a bucket of water you never use,” Mbatia said, pointing to predictable disasters such as annual floods in low-lying regions.

Gordian Kazaura, an urban planning specialist at Ardhi University, highlighted the human cost. “The poorest suffer the most. They lack the resources to recover, and the government’s response often comes too late,” he said.

A glimmer of Hope

Despite the challenges, there is growing momentum for change. Organizations like the Tanzania Red Cross are training volunteers and advocating for better early warning systems. Workshops are equipping local authorities with emergency planning skills.

“Disasters are local by nature,” said Kazimoto. “Empowering communities and regional committees to act swiftly without waiting for central government instructions is critical.”

For survivors like Faime, recovery is uncertain, but hope persists. “We need help, but we also need change,” she said. “People like me can’t keep starting over.”

Halima Abdallah’s final plea must serve as a wake-up call. Tanzania must transition from reactive responses to proactive resilience, ensuring that no cry for help goes unanswered. Observers agree—the time for action is now—before the next disaster strikes.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Rabab Fatima
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 3 2025 – Over 570 million people live in the world’s 32 Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs), spanning across Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. These nations face unique and complex development challenges. Their lack of direct access to the sea, geographical isolation, limited infrastructure, and difficulty integrating into global trade and value chains hinder sustainable development and progress.

The lingering impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, rising vulnerability to external shocks, climate change, and mounting debt burdens have further compounded these challenges, eroding progress achieved under the last developmental roadmap for LLDCs—the Vienna Programme of Action.

However, a pivotal moment for LLDCs is at hand. In the lead-up to the Third United Nations Conference on LLDCs (LLDC3), to be held next year, the international community has adopted a new Programme of Action (PoA) to guide LLDCs’ development from 2025 to 2035.

UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) and High Representative, cr. Credit: OHRLLS

A new decade of opportunity and progress

The new PoA is a landmark achievement designed to address the structural challenges of LLDCs and accelerate their socio-economic integration into the global economy. This vision focuses on five priority areas critical to transforming LLDCs into resilient and competitive economies:

Structural Transformation and Science, Technology, and Innovation (STI)

Economic diversification is crucial for LLDCs. Their dependence on a narrow range of commodities leaves them highly vulnerable to external shocks. The new PoA prioritizes value-added industries and leveraging technology and innovation to help LLDCs integrate more effectively into global value chains and build more resilient economies.

Digital connectivity, which is pivotal for sustainable development, is also an important focus of the PoA. In 2023, only 39% of LLDC populations used the internet, compared to the global average of 67%. The PoA aims to create regional digital platforms for peer learning and capacity building while increasing support to LLDCs to leverage technology for sustainable growth.

Trade, Trade Facilitation, and Regional Integration

Trade drives economic growth, yet LLDCs account for just 1.1% of global merchandise exports. High trade costs—averaging 30% more than coastal countries—significantly hamper their competitiveness.

The new PoA highlights LLDCs’ interest in establishing a dedicated work programme at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to address their unique needs. It also recommends developing a high-level panel of experts to examine the application of existing international laws on freedom of transit for LLDCs, ensuring that LLDCs can engage in international trade under fairer conditions.

Transit, Transport, and Connectivity

Transport infrastructure is a critical link for LLDCs to global markets. Bridging the current gap—nearly 200,000 km of paved roads and over 46,000 km of railways—will require over half a trillion dollars.

To address this, the PoA proposes an Infrastructure Investment Finance Facility (IIFF) for LLDCs to mobilize resources for sustainable transport infrastructure, thereby reducing trade costs and enhancing connectivity.

Enhancing Adaptive Capacity and Resilience to Climate Change and Disasters

LLDCs face significant vulnerabilities to climate-related disasters. Between 2012 and 2022, 447 such events affected 170 million people in LLDCs—double the global average.

The PoA emphasizes climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable agriculture, and improved access to climate finance. It also notes LLDCs’ interest in developing a dedicated work programme under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

Lastly, but more importantly,

Means of Implementation

The success of the new Programme of Action depends on robust means of implementation, including adequate resources, technical support, and strong partnerships. The PoA calls for increased development assistance and emphasizes the role of public-private partnerships in realizing its ambitious goals.

Driving Progress through Partnerships – a call for global solidarity and action

The adoption of the new Programme of Action is more than a commitment—it is a renewed call to action. Global solidarity is essential to provide LLDCs with the financial, technical, and capacity-building support they need. Strengthened partnerships and concerted efforts will enable LLDCs to leverage their potential and contribute meaningfully to the global economy.

The upcoming LLDC3 Conference in 2025 will serve as a critical platform to build this momentum and strengthen international collaboration and multi-sectoral partnerships for the implementation of the PoA.

With political resolve, enhanced partnerships, and tangible actions, LLDCs can emerge as dynamic contributors to the global economy, charting a path toward sustainable prosperity over the coming decade.

Ms. Rabab Fatima, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States.

IPS UN Bureau

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By CIVICUS
Jan 2 2025 –  
CIVICUS discusses the challenges Palestinian civil society faces in resisting digital suppression and advocating for justice with Palestinian lawyer and researcher Dima Samaro.

As the director of Skyline International for Human Rights, Dima advocates for digital freedoms and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). She is a board member of Innovation for Change, MENA Hub, and the Surveillance in the Majority World Network, and volunteers with Resilience Pathways, which helps Palestinian civil society organisations (CSOs) reclaim the narrative amid Israeli efforts to manipulate public opinion, block funding and restrict civic space.

Dima Samaro

How are digital platforms influencing the narrative on Palestine?

Digital platforms have become key to shaping narratives about Palestine, often amplifying the Israeli narrative while systematically silencing Palestinian voices. Platforms such as Meta, TikTok and X, formerly Twitter, routinely remove Palestinian content under vague ‘policy violations’. This has intensified since October 2023, with the Israeli Cyber Unit issuing over 9,500 takedown requests, 94 per cent of which were approved. These actions have resulted in the removal of posts, shadow bans – a form of censorship that limits visibility of pro-Palestinian content without user notification – and account suspensions, and have extended to the censorship of hashtags such as #FreePalestine.

Algorithmic bias further marginalises Palestinian narratives. For example, Instagram once mistranslated the Arabic phrase ‘alhamdulillah’ – praise be to God – next to a Palestinian flag as ‘terrorists fighting for their freedom’. On WhatsApp, AI-generated images depicted militarised scenes as illustrations for ‘Palestinian’ but benign cartoons for terms such as ‘Israeli boy’ or ‘Israeli army’. While these incidents are often dismissed as technical errors, they reveal a systemic bias.

Policies such as Meta’s Dangerous Organisations and Individuals framework are heavily influenced by US terrorism designations and stifle Palestinian discourse by prohibiting expressions of ‘praise’ or ‘support’ for major political movements. Meanwhile, hate speech targeting Palestinians – including posts celebrating violence or calling for the destruction of Gaza – often goes unchecked. While ads inciting violence against Palestinians are allowed, the use of terms like ‘Zionist’ is flagged as hate speech. This double standard silences Palestinian voices while enabling propaganda that justifies collective punishment and shields atrocities from scrutiny.

Platform complicity goes beyond censorship. In April, +972 Magazine reported that WhatsApp, which belongs to Meta, played a role in supporting the Israeli AI surveillance system Lavender, which has been linked to the killing of civilians in Gaza. These disturbing revelations suggest direct corporate complicity in violations of international law.

Digital platforms are distorting narratives, dehumanising Palestinians and normalising violence against an already oppressed and besieged population. They actively suppress efforts to document war crimes and manipulate information. They must be held accountable for this.

What challenges does Palestinian civil society encounter?

Palestinian CSOs work under immense pressure, facing arbitrary arrests, travel bans, funding cuts and violence. In October 2021, Israel designated six prominent Palestinian human rights groups as terrorist organisations. These unfounded accusations delegitimised their work, fuelling defamation campaigns and enabling harassment and other restrictions on their work.

Many human rights defenders have also become targets of digital surveillance. Pegasus spyware, developed by the Israeli company NSO Group, has been used to hack the devices of Palestinian activists and human rights defenders, putting their safety and work at risk. This surveillance has been widely condemned by organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

But the crackdown on Palestinian civil society goes beyond digital tactics: human rights defenders are harassed, arbitrarily detained and physically attacked. In Gaza, the situation has worsened after October 2023. Several civil society workers have been killed, injured or detained, and many have been displaced by the ongoing bombardment. The destruction of infrastructure has further hampered their work.

Journalists also face violence. Gaza has become the world’s deadliest place for journalists, with 195 media workers killed to date, many of them deliberately targeted while carrying out their duties. This loss of independent reporting creates a massive information gap, leaving human rights violations unreported and unchecked.

To make matters worse, international donors such as Germany, Sweden and Switzerland have suspended funding over unsubstantiated allegations of links to terrorism. The European Union’s imposition of ‘anti-incitement’ clauses also stigmatises Palestinian CSOs by forcing them to prove their neutrality, limiting their ability to document human rights violations without risking their safety.

How is Skyline International helping address these challenges?

We work at the intersection of technology, social media and human rights in Palestine and the region. We track, monitor and document human rights violations committed by states and corporations, particularly in the digital sphere. This includes tracking digital surveillance, analysing the ethical implications of AI in conflict settings and advocating for the protection of fundamental online rights such as freedom of expression, access to information and the right to privacy.

In Palestine, we support civil society activists and journalists by tackling online censorship and digital bias. We work closely with human rights defenders to document cases of over-enforcement of policies, content takedowns, account suspensions and algorithmic bias by social media platforms, as well as the illegal use of spyware and new technologies to target media workers. We also condemn Israel’s use of digital tools to target journalists in Gaza and Lebanon. Our aim is to draw national and international attention to these violations and advocate for the protection of press and online freedoms, ensuring that journalists can report without fear of retribution.

We also hold technology companies to account for their impact on human rights. In September, for example, we sent an open letter to Binance, a leading cryptocurrency exchange, expressing serious concerns about allegations of a mass seizure of Palestinian crypto wallets at Israel’s request. These actions exacerbate the economic and financial blockade of Gaza, making it even more difficult to access essential resources such as water, food and medical supplies. We demanded transparency regarding the criteria used to determine which accounts were frozen and immediate action to mitigate the humanitarian impact on Palestinian users. Although Binance responded, it didn’t provide a clear explanation or take any action.

What can the international community do to support Palestinian civil society?

Support for the work of Palestinian civil society is crucial to documenting abuses and advocating for justice. But this support must go beyond expressions of solidarity or charity. We need our allies to support our struggle for freedom and dignity.

The international community must move beyond empty rhetoric and take tangible action. It must also do more than just provide financial aid: it must put political pressure on Israel to end its occupation and respect Palestinian human rights. This includes protecting activists, fighting Israel’s constant attempts to criminalise and silence our work and holding accountable those who profit from the ongoing genocide. It means stopping arms exports to Israel and holding tech platforms accountable for their complicity in suppressing Palestinian voices, amplifying hate speech and facilitating Israeli surveillance and repression.

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SEE ALSO
Palestine: ‘The international community has failed to stop the genocide, not because it can’t, but because it won’t’ Interview with Tahreer Araj 26.Nov.2024
‘AI-powered weapons depersonalise the violence, making it easier for the military to approve more destruction’ Interview with Sophia Goodfriend 23.Nov.2024
Palestine: ‘Ending impunity for violations of Palestinians’ rights would strengthen global norms that protect all humanity’ Interview with Kifaya Khraim 11.Nov.2024

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By External Source
Jan 2 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
Richard Bennett was appointed as the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan in April 2022. He has served in Afghanistan on several occasions in different capacities, including as the Chief of the Human Rights Service with the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan. He has previously played a role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Afghanistan and supported the United Nations on a number of human rights issues, such as protection of civilians, transitional justice, child rights, rule of law, rights of people with disabilities, protection of human rights defenders and a range of economic, social and cultural rights.

Bennett also served with the United Nations as the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and head of the human rights components of peacekeeping operations in Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste and South Sudan – as well as twice in Afghanistan (2003-2007 and 2018-2019). He has been a long-term adviser to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. From 2007 to 2010, Bennett was the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal and head of OHCHR’s office there. He has also been Chief of Staff for the UN Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka and Special Adviser to the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights in New York.

Bennett worked for Amnesty International from 2014–2017 initially as its Asia-Pacific Program Director, and later as head of Amnesty’s United Nations Office in New York. From mid-2019, he worked as a consultant on UN human rights assignments in Afghanistan, Myanmar and New York.

ECW: For more than three years, girls in Afghanistan have been banned from attending school beyond the sixth grade. In your latest report to the UN General Assembly, you describe a worsening human rights situation under the de facto authorities, particularly for girls and women. What impact is the education ban having on Afghan girls and on Afghan society as a whole?

Richard Bennett: The ban on education for girls above the sixth grade is of course having a devastating impact on Afghan girls. They see their future lives and opportunities having been narrowed almost entirely to the domestic sphere, and this, combined with the prospect of early or forced marriage, has driven thousands of them into depression. Self-harm, including suicides and suicidal ideation, has risen dramatically. Families are being torn apart, with siblings separated, and communities fractured. The education ban is impacting Afghan society as a whole. Let alone the denial of the fundamental right to education, no society can prosper if half the population is not able to contribute to its economy. The long-term consequences include deepening poverty and gender inequality, an increase in gender-based violence and child marriage, and more child labour and other forms of exploitation. The devastating consequences will be intersectional and intergenerational. Education is a fundamental right and also provides crucial protection. Society as a whole suffers almost irreparably when half the population is systematically excluded from life opportunities.

ECW: Despite the ban, many girls and young women are finding alternative ways to continue to learn. Why is it crucial for donors to continue funding multilateral organizations, such as Education Cannot Wait, who are working together to provide education access and support to Afghan girls and women?

Richard Bennett: Continuing donor support for organizations like Education Cannot Wait is crucial in this time of crisis for girls’ education in Afghanistan. Despite the ban, alternative and informal educational pathways are emerging to offer hope and learning opportunities for Afghan girls and women. However, for these programmes to be effective, resilient and safe, they must be equipped with adequate resources and expertise to support both student learning and emotional well-being.

Programmes supported by Education Cannot Wait offer a lifeline at a very difficult time for girls in Afghanistan, enabling them to continue learning, equipping them for a better future and providing hope and psychological sustenance. Moreover, they align with the international community’s commitment to the right to education as a universal value and do so within the principles of universality and inclusion.

Funding ECW’s initiatives is not only an investment in resilience and gender equality, but also in the future of today’s children – and, ultimately, in the prospects for peaceful, sustainable, long-term recovery of Afghanistan. Without such support, millions of girls and young women risk being left in the shadows, perpetuating cycles of despair and marginalization.

ECW: Your analysis emphasizes that the denial of girls’ and women’s right to education is part of a broader system of gender-based oppression amounting to “gender persecution,” a situation that many Afghans and human rights advocates describe as “gender apartheid.” Could you elaborate on this concept and explain why it needs to be urgently addressed?

Richard Bennett: The Taliban’s system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity, and exclusion is pervasive and methodical. It is enforced through edicts, decrees and policies, often with strict implementation and sometimes violent punishment for transgressions. Every restriction on the rights of women and girls – whether on their rights to education, healthcare, freedom of movement, access to justice, or women’s right to work – is interlinked and mutually reinforcing.

Cumulatively, these deprivations are so severe and extensive, I have concluded that they may amount to crimes against humanity, in particular the crime of gender persecution. These are crimes under international law. They are not only ongoing, they are intensifying.

Further, in my discussions with Afghans, especially women, they consistently emphasize that the term “gender apartheid” most accurately describes their lived experiences and best captures the ideological and institutionalized nature of the Taliban’s discrimination and oppression of women and girls. There is a growing movement, which I support, advocating for the formal codification of gender apartheid in a future treaty on crimes against humanity.

Whether we describe what is happening in Afghanistan as gender persecution or gender apartheid, it is clear that the situation is not only unacceptable – it is unconscionable. We all have a collective responsibility to challenge and dismantle this appalling system and to hold those responsible to account.

ECW: You have been an early supporter of Education Cannot Wait’s #AfghanGirlsVoices global advocacy campaign, which amplifies testimonies of Afghan girls denied access to education and who are fighting for their rights. What message would you like to share globally to further mobilize support for their right to education?

Richard Bennett: To the global community, I say this: the courage and resilience of Afghan girls fighting for their right to learn is nothing short of heroic. Their voices remind us that education is a fundamental right, not a privilege. We must amplify their stories and rally resources to ensure they are heard everywhere and are not forgotten.

My personal interactions with Afghan girls, whether they are 11th grade students I met in the north of Afghanistan in 2022 who continue to pursue education despite the subsequent closure of their school, or the survivors of the Kaaj Academy bombing who I’ve met in Kabul, Türkiye and Europe, or the members of the winning Afghan Girls’ Robotics Team, they continue to inspire and motivate me. The world must stand in solidarity with Afghan girls and women, sending a clear message that their dreams and potential matter and that the denial of education to them is an injustice that may rise to the level of a crime against humanity.

Together, we can create pathways to hope and opportunity, even in the face of adversity. The message is clear: we cannot allow the dreams and potential of millions of Afghan girls to be extinguished. The time to act is now, and every effort counts.

ECW: We know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education, no matter who or where they are. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally, and why would you recommend them to others?

Richard Bennett: It’s hard to choose three, but here is my list:

No Good Men Among the Living: America, the Taliban, and the War Through Afghan Eyes by Anand Gopal; often the first book I recommend to newcomers to Afghanistan and essential reading for those who wish to understand how America got it so wrong.

A Fine Balance by Rohinton Mistry; Almost 30 years ago, I read this exquisitely written, somewhat bleak but transformative novel set in India and it left an indelible mark on me. The balance is, of course, between hope and despair, so relevant for Afghans today.

Outspoken: My Fight for Freedom and Human Rights in Afghanistan by Sima Samar; published in 2024, this memoir by my first boss in Afghanistan is recommended reading for Afghan girls and boys looking for a role model. She is a doctor, human rights defender and, not least, the founder of schools and a fighter for girls’ education.

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By Promise Eze
AYETORO, Nigeria, Jan 2 2025 – In 2021, Ojajuni Olufunsho, a 53-year-old resident of Ayetoro, a town along the Atlantic coast, southwestern Nigeria, saw her home swept away by the encroaching sea. What was once a spacious 10-room house, a sanctuary for Olufunsho and her five children, was swallowed by the relentless force of rising sea waters.

With no place to go, Olufunsho was forced to beg a family living on higher ground to take her family in. A tiny temporary shelter made from wood and aluminium sheets replaced the comforts of her previous home. She now struggles to survive by mending clothes as her once-thriving tailoring business was destroyed by the waters.

“I used to be a big tailor, and I also sold clothes, but the waters carried away everything. My shop was always full,” she said, tears streaming down her face as she recounted her losses.

Ayetoro’s battle with sea level rise dates back to the early 2000s, but its impact has only worsened with time. Local residents claim that nearly 90 percent of the town is now submerged by water.

Ayetoro resident Akinwuwa Omobolanle gestures towards a swampy expanse, a result of recurrent floods. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Ojajuni Oluwale lost two houses to the encroaching waters. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Emmanuel Aralu lost his business to the raging waters and now struggles to feed his family. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Streets, homes, schools, and even cemeteries have been swallowed by the rising tides, displacing thousands of residents. Many have been forced to move several times, seeking higher ground to escape the encroaching waters.

The buildings that once stood as symbols of the community’s resilience now lie as empty shells, victims of the sea.

“Many people have left the town,” said Comrade Omoyele Thompson, Ayetoro’s Public Relations Officer, noting that the population has dwindled from around 30,000 in 2006 to just 5,000 in recent times.

“Properties worth millions of dollars have been destroyed. Hundreds of residential houses, including a maternity centre and factories built through communal efforts, have been ravaged by the sea surge,” he added, highlighting that many residents now live in shanties.

The struggles of Ayetoro are not unique. Coastal communities around the world are facing similar challenges. Rising sea levels, fueled by climate change, are causing significant destruction, and projections suggest that the problem will only worsen.

According to data from the African Centre for Strategic Studies, African coastlines have experienced a consistent rise in sea levels over the past four decades. If this trend continues, sea levels are expected to increase by 0.3 meters by 2030, posing a threat to 117 million people on the continent.

Nigeria, with its vast coastline along the Gulf of Guinea, is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. While desertification threatens the northern parts of the country, the southern coastal areas face the growing menace of rising sea levels.

According to USAID, a 0.5-meter rise in sea levels could force as many as 27 to 53 million Nigerians living along the coast to relocate by the end of the century. Sea rise could have devastating effects on human activities in these regions, including agriculture and fishing, all of which form the backbone of Ayetoro’s economy.

While rising sea levels pose a global threat, many countries are taking proactive measures to address the problem. For instance, about one-third of the Netherlands lies below sea level, and parts of the country have even been reclaimed from the sea. However, observers told IPS that the Nigerian government has shown minimal concern for Ayetoro’s plight. Without urgent intervention, they warn, the town may soon exist only in photographs and history books.

A once-thriving technical school now stands battered and desolate. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The community’s only remaining school, a fragile makeshift structure, has been repeatedly relocated due to relentless sea surges. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Fading Jewel of the Atlantic

Ayetoro, originally founded in 1947 by Christian Apostolic missionaries, was once a beacon of self-sufficiency and progress. The town’s community-focused way of life, based on religious values, fostered a sense of unity that earned it the nickname “The Happy City.”

During the 1960s and 1970s, Ayetoro became known for its development in sectors such as agriculture, industry, and education. The town was home to Nigeria’s first dockyard, which spurred industries like boat building and fishing. In 1953, it became only the second town in Nigeria to have electricity. These advancements made Ayetoro an attractive destination for tourists and settlers alike.

However, the town’s once-beautiful beaches and thriving infrastructure have now become distant memories. Ayetoro, once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change.

Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Disrupted Lives

For many residents of Ayetoro, fishing has long been their primary livelihood. However, rising sea levels have made it increasingly difficult to secure a good catch. The distance to the water has expanded, and fuel costs for longer trips have soared, putting additional strain on their already limited finances.

Additionally, farmland and water sources have been contaminated by saltwater, making agriculture nearly impossible.

Thompson, who has been fighting for the rights of Ayetoro residents, said, “People are living in complete poverty because businesses have been lost.”

In May 2024, he helped organize a peaceful protest, with thousands of residents—including children and the elderly—marching to demand government action. Their placards read “Save Our Souls” and “Save Ayetoro Now,” but despite their efforts, the government has failed to respond.

The town’s only surviving hospital is also in terrible condition and poorly equipped. Qualified healthcare workers have fled the area. In emergencies, residents must transport the sick by boat to hospitals in neighbouring communities. Tragically, many do not survive the journey.

Battered shanties dot Ayetoro. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The ruins of buildings stand as silent witnesses to the relentless sea surge. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Broken Promises

Ayetoro’s calls for help have not gone unanswered in the past, but the response has often been inadequate or marred by corruption.

In 2000, the community wrote numerous letters to the government, pleading for help as the sea incursions worsened. The government didn’t respond till 2004, when it launched the Ayetoro Shore Protection Project through the Niger Delta Development Commission, promising to build a sea embankment to protect the town from further flooding. However, millions of dollars allocated for the project were allegedly siphoned off, and no work was done.

“We read about the intervention in newspapers, but no contractor or equipment ever came to the site,” Thompson said.

In 2009, the project was re-awarded to another company, Dredging Atlantic, but once again, nothing materialized.

Nigeria introduced the Climate Change Act in 2021 with the goal of addressing climate challenges. However, critics argue that, like other policies on paper, it lacks the political will to see the light of day.

Idowu Oyeneyin, the 38-year-old mother of three, is angry that no one has been held accountable for the failed projects. She said politicians only visit the community during election periods to make empty campaign promises.

“The rising coastal sea levels have brought immense hardship to my family. My shop, where I sold provisions to support my children, was completely destroyed by the floods. It wasn’t just a shop—it was our primary source of income. Since the flood ruined my business, I can no longer afford to care for my children or meet their school needs,” Oyeneyin said.

“We need support from the government and organizations to help us rebuild our lives. Many of us have lost not just our businesses but also our homes and stability. Providing financial aid and awareness programs could make a significant difference.”

Her children now attend the only remaining school in the community, a makeshift structure of wooden huts precariously connected by unstable boardwalks and supported by stilts in the swampy ground. The school has been relocated multiple times due to relentless ocean surges.

Residents say there used to be three schools in the community. With the loss of two and the strain on the only one left, hundreds of children are now out of school.

“One time, schools were closed for about four years, and even when they reopened, the devastation in the area made it impossible for children to access their schools. This has been our greatest pain,” Thompson told IPS.

Zikora Ibeh, Senior Programme Manager at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), is of the belief that the Nigerian government should recalibrate its priorities.

“Until state authorities in Nigeria recognise community welfare and environmental justice as essential components of their legacy, communities like Ayetoro will continue to bear the brunt of neglect, exploitation, and climate change,” Ibeh said.

The monarch’s palace, now surrounded by swampy waters, tells a tale of loss. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Curse of Fossil Fuels

Ayetoro’s vulnerability to rising sea levels is compounded by the oil exploration activities in the region. Located in Nigeria’s oil-rich belt, Ayetoro contributes to the country’s total oil production.

Akinwuwa Omobolanle, who was the queen to the former king of Ayetoro, wants local and international oil companies to stop operating in the area.

“The crude oil drilling in the ocean and the arrival of foreigners who discovered natural resources in Ayetoro in the 1990s are one of the main causes of what we are facing. Since they started drilling oil, problems have been escalating,” Omobolanle said.

While oil companies deny responsibility for the destruction, environmental experts want justice.

“While rising sea levels are undoubtedly driven by global warming, the plight of Ayetoro, like many oil-rich communities in the Niger Delta, is also a direct consequence of reckless extractivism perpetuated by multinational oil and gas corporations. For decades, these corporations have operated with near-total impunity, leaving a trail of environmental destruction in their wake,” Ibeh posited.

The Nigerian government, she added, does not hold these corporations accountable and demand reparations for the damage done, but rather “successive governments have chosen complicity, upholding corporate interests and revenue generation over the welfare of communities like Ayetoro. This negligence has left the town doubly vulnerable—first to the global impacts of climate change and second to the unchecked greed of profit-driven industries that treat the environment as disposable.”

Cynthia N. Moyo, Greenpeace Africa’s Climate and Energy Campaigner, told IPS that it is essential for Africa to transition from fossil fuels to sustainable energy sources. She argued that fossil fuels represent not only an environmental threat but also a perpetuation of oppression, exploitation, and neocolonialism.

“The science is clear: the extreme weather events we’re experiencing in our communities are a direct consequence of continued reliance on fossil fuels. These events are wreaking havoc on vulnerable communities worldwide. In Africa, the effects of climate change are devastating—cyclones, typhoons, floods, and billions of dollars in damage occur annually,” she said.

Moyo warned that increased investment in offshore oil and gas drilling would lead to severe environmental damage, including the risk of spills that harm marine ecosystems and destroy the livelihoods of coastal communities. This, she explained, would only exacerbate the climate crisis.

“Such activities undermine meaningful efforts and commitments to transition towards renewable energy. Fossil fuels like coal and oil lie at the core of a broken, unjust, and unsustainable energy system that harms both people and the planet,” she noted.

A Bleak Future?

For the residents of Ayetoro, time is running out. Amid the lack of government support, they have been attempting to find local solutions to their worsening plight but without success.

“We have tried to build local barriers to stop the flood,” said Ojajuni Oluwale, a father of seven who has lost two houses to the encroaching waters. “We’ve tried bagging sand and placing it along the coastline, but when the sea rises, it scatters everything.”

“Solving this will require huge financial investment,” Oluwale said.

At COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, developed nations agreed to allocate USD 300 billion annually to help developing countries address climate impacts. However, developing countries criticized this amount as inadequate, with Nigeria describing it as a “joke.”

There is widespread skepticism that developed nations, responsible for nearly 80 percent of historical greenhouse gas emissions, will honor their commitments. In 2009, they pledged to provide USD 100 billion annually to support vulnerable countries grappling with worsening climate disasters, but the promise was slow to materialize, even though, according to the OECD, developed countries exceeded the amount in the end.

In 2022, after years of pressure, developed nations agreed to establish a Loss and Damage Fund to offer financial support to nations most vulnerable and severely impacted by the consequences of climate change. Contributions to the fund have exceeded USD 70 million, with disbursement expected to begin by 2025.

Tolulope Theresa Gbenro, a climate expert in Nigeria, worries about the disparity between the climate financing needs of developing countries, especially African nations, and the pledges made by developed countries. She noted that at present, climate finance and accountability are somewhat disorganized and lacking a clear, unified approach across various funding sources.

“It’s one thing to have enough funding to meet the needs, but another to have the right accountability, monitoring, and auditing frameworks in place to ensure that funds are properly disbursed and reach the most vulnerable groups. At this stage, I would say it is still a work in progress because negotiations related to this will continue moving forward,” Gbenro highlighted.

While Ayetoro awaits any form of assistance to prevent its complete destruction, residents report that the psychological toll of their suffering is overwhelming.

“The trauma is unbearable,” said Emmanuel Aralu, who lost his barbershop to the encroaching sea. “The entire shop was wiped out overnight. Not a single item could be saved. Now, I’m struggling to make ends meet, support my wife and children, pay school fees, and cope with the rising cost of living.”

He continued, “I’m suffering for something I didn’t cause. Oil exploration drains resources from our offshore areas, but the benefits go to cities like Abuja and Lagos, leaving us to bear the brunt of the damage. It’s emotionally exhausting.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Kul Chandra Gautam
KATHMANDU, Nepal, Jan 2 2025 – Former American President Jimmy Carter was a man of peace and principles. He presided over a tumultuous period in American history from 1977 to 1981, working hard to restore trust in government after the Watergate scandal and the divisive era of the Vietnam War. He brokered a landmark peace deal between Israel and Egypt and negotiated a historic treaty to hand over the Panama Canal to Panama.

Carter, a champion of human rights both in the US and around the world, passed away at 100 on December 29, 2024.

More than any recent American president, Carter pressed gently but firmly on autocratic regimes worldwide to respect human rights and the rule of law. When he led the country with immense moral authority, it encouraged many human rights advocates, while dictators worried about the US sanctions.

At home, Carter got many progressive legislations passed in areas of consumer protection, welfare reforms and the appointment of women and minorities in America’s judiciary. However, he had difficulties managing the US economy, the Iran hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. And in the 1980 Presidential election, when he lost his bid to Ronald Reagan, his active political career came to an end.

Kul Chandra Gautam

But he didn’t retire to a comfortable life, rather, he embarked on a noble mission as one of the world’s highly respected elder statesmen, deeply committed to promoting democracy and human rights. He founded the Carter Center with a motto of “Waging Peace, Fighting Disease and Building Hope”.

With his team, he worked tirelessly to help resolve conflicts, monitor elections and improve human health through campaigns to eliminate several neglected diseases afflicting the poorest people worldwide, particularly in Africa.

“For his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights and to promote economic and social development,” Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002.

Links with UNICEF and Nepal

Carter greatly admired UNICEF Executive Director James Grant and strongly supported the UNICEF-led global child survival and development campaign. Further, the organisation was a key partner in the Carter-led global campaign to eradicate a debilitating disease called dracunculiasis or Guinea-worm disease.

My first substantive meeting with Carter took place on August 3, 1995, at an event in Washington, DC, organised jointly by the Carter Center, USAID, WHO and UNICEF to mark the 95 percent reduction in Guinea worm cases worldwide and to recommit to its total eradication. I had a long and fruitful discussion with Carter on strengthening our collaboration in the global campaign to eradicate Guinea-worm disease.

In February 2004, I joined President Carter and WHO Director-General JW Lee on a 3-day field visit to observe and advocate for Guinea-worm eradication in Ghana. I learned about Carter’s humble personality, deep commitment to many worthy causes and impressive advocacy skills.

In our informal interactions, we often talked about Nepal.

Carter’s involvement in Nepal

Carter visited Nepal twice to observe Nepal’s Constituent Assembly Elections. He advised Nepali leaders, including the Election Commission, based on his worldwide experience and credibility in observing elections and conflict resolution. Over the years, the Carter Center produced several reports on Nepal dealing with issues related to the peace process, challenges in drafting Nepal’s Constitution and other important issues of social justice and equity.

I instinctively supported Carter’s noble efforts to promote peace, democracy and development. However, like everybody else, Carter was human and fallible, and some aspects of the Carter Center’s reports on Nepal were flawed.

In particular, Carter’s hasty verdict that Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly election was free, fair and peaceful ignored the fact that there was an unusually high degree of intimidation in many rural constituencies. The non-Maoist parties’ candidates were prevented from campaigning, and voters were threatened with physical violence for weeks preceding the actual voting.

There were well-intentioned but inaccurate analyses of Nepal’s socio-political dynamics by the Carter Center, the International Crisis Group, and even the United Nations. In their effort to appear “balanced and even-handed”, they gave the undue benefit of the doubt to the progressive-sounding rhetoric of the Maoists, ignoring their violent and corrupt practices.

Carter witnessed the insincerity and duplicity of the Maoists when they initially welcomed the 2013 election for the second Constituent Assembly but then denounced it as rigged and unfair when the results showed that they had suffered a humiliating loss.

Unlike during the first CA election, Carter took the necessary time to analyse the second CA election better. He left somewhat sobered by a deeper understanding of the Maoists’ opportunistic and undemocratic nature.

A man of faith and integrity

Jimmy Carter was a deeply religious and spiritual man who often turned to his faith during his political career. But as a progressive man and defender of human rights and gender equality, he found himself at odds with his Southern Baptist Church when it opposed gender equality, citing a few selected verses from the Bible that women must be “subservient” to their husbands and must not be allowed to serve as priests.

Carter protested and took a painful decision to sever ties with his Baptist Church, saying that parts of its rigid doctrine violated the basic premises of his Christian faith. He wrote to his fellow Baptists and published an op-ed article “Losing my religion for equality”.

Carter had a philosophical and spiritual perspective on death. As he suffered from multiple bouts of cancer treatment, he remarked, “I didn’t ask God to let me live, but I just asked God to give me a proper attitude toward death. I found that I was absolutely and completely at ease with death”.

May Carter’s noble soul rest in eternal peace.

Source: Kathmandu Post, Nepal

Kul Chandra Gautam is a distinguished diplomat, development professional, and a former senior official of the United Nations. Currently, he serves on the Boards of several international and national organizations, charitable foundations and public-private partnerships. Previously, he served in senior managerial and leadership positions with the UN in several countries and continents in a career spanning over three decades. As a former Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF and Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations, he has extensive experience in international diplomacy, development cooperation and humanitarian assistance.

IPS UN Bureau

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